Pasefika Issue: In/Visible

This article is also published as part of Fightback’s special Pasefika Fightback magazine issue. Article by Luisa Tora, luisa.k.tora@gmail.com.

I’ve been asked to discuss why the visibility of the Pacific lesbian community is important to me, and why I think this community is invisible. I’ve also been invited to speak about an exhibition that I am co-curating of emerging artists who identify as lesbian, bisexual, and queer. I feel it’s important to include the brief given me as I believe that sometimes questions inform us as much as the answers we receive. This is not in way intended to shame the person who asked me the questions. I appreciate this opportunity to unpack some of the themes and issues surrounding Pacific lesbian visibility.

I’d like to start the talanoa by placing some limitations on the discussion. Not to censor the talanoa so much as to sharpen its focus. I can only speak to my experience as 42-year old Fijian woman who has lived in Aotearoa for the last seven years.

I came out when I was a precocious 17 years old Foundation student at the University of the South Pacific in Suva, Fiji. Even though I dived headfirst into my new lifestyle with my newly acquired girlfriend, I didn’t come out to my parents until almost two years later. It was my Mum who coaxed it out of me saying that she and Dad would love me whatever my sexuality was. My then girlfriend lived with us and our families were friends. Three decades later I can’t remember why 17 year old me didn’t just tell my parents. Perhaps I was afraid. Perhaps I thought it was obvious. Perhaps I thought it wasn’t anybody’s business. Perhaps I was just a self-centred 17 year old and it didn’t occur to me that I had to ‘come out’ to anyone.

Whatever the reason, I was out and my family and friends totally ran with it. My parents have invited scores of queer friends into our family home and their hearts. I’ve spoken on occasion about having a gay army in Fiji. We’re everywhere. I didn’t really think about it until I came to Aotearoa and had to start from scratch. (My sister and I were heartened to see these same people at both my parent’s funerals.) When my sister came out, they invited her girlfriend(s) and friends home. I remember my parents and I going to a girlfriend’s home once for a party. Mum told me later that she and Dad had a heart-to-heart with my girlfriend’s parents about their only daughter’s sexuality. She told them “You either love her as she is or you will lose her. It’s your choice.” I remember going to a drag night with a girlfriend and my Dad another time. My usually stoic father (unless you got to know him) told a homophobic heckler, “We’re here to enjoy ourselves. If you don’t like it you can leave.” Mum would introduce me and my girlfriend to new people – This is my daughter, and this is her partner – and embarrass us no end. My extended families on Mum and Dad’s sides also embraced mine and my sister’s lifestyles and girlfriends. When we both started volunteering then working with non-government organisations, our extended NGO family embraced us and the LGBTQI+ issues that we championed.

I share this brief insight to start to answer the first question about why Pacific lesbian visibility is important to me. My sister and I were blessed with a supportive family, social, and professional environment. Thanks to our parents, families, and friends, we were able to live open lives at home and to carry the confidence that comes with that grounding outside our home.

However, that sentence is not accompanied by a video clip of goat kids frolicking in a sun-splashed meadow as birds chirp in the sky as we eat mangoes and cast beatific smiles at people walking by. There’ve been some horrific break-ups and broken hearts, and girlfriends’ families haven’t always receptive to the idea of having a daughter-in-law instead of a son-in-law. Friends have been bashed and raped by male family members to remind them of their ‘place’ as women. Gay male and transgender friends and acquaintances have been murdered by homophobes. We’ve had to defend our constitutionally protected LGBTQI+ rights in the media, before parliamentary committees, in the international arena against an array of adroit Fiji governments playing political football. We’ve been kicked off and excluded from national HIV committees and called dissidents. All of this happened between and during cyclones, coup d’états, and so many poetry readings.

All the reasons above and more are why the visibility of the Pacific lesbian community is important to me. The love you find in relationships with lovers and family, the support and laughter and shoulders to cry on and lean on that comes from your community and those who support you, the role models and crushes that we make for those who are closeted or curious to pass on the street or read about in the newspaper, the good, the bad and the ugly poetry we write and inspire, just so you can say ‘cheers queers!’ at a party, not having to explain why you like girls or why you only like girls who wear fades and cable knit sweaters or girls who wear glasses and can’t look you in the eye, being able to speak about your own culture to someone ‘like you’ in your own language or bits of your own language, seeing someone from your own culture at a lesbian party even if you spend the rest of the night avoiding each other, because it’s nice knowing you aren’t literally the only gay in the village.

I think about why lesbian Pacific islanders aren’t more visible around Auckland. I’m not the most social person, but I try to be conscious of the people around me when I am outside. Also, I live in South Auckland so the chances of me seeing Pacific anything is much higher in my neighbourhood. But still, we are few and far between. Or we are really good at blending in? Which begs the question: what does a Pacific lesbian look like anyway? I once read a paper about migrant lesbians who live with their families in the diaspora and how their sexuality is subverted by their dependence on their families for family, immigration, financial, and language support. Many women either decided to conceal their sexuality or did so under threat of being ostracised or being sent ‘home’ if they didn’t conform to heterosexual norms. The struggle is real for ethnic minorities who are also sexual minorities living in the diaspora.

This in a small way brings me back to the question or the framing of this conversation. My experience aside for now, is it necessary for people to come out or to be visible? Is the lesbian experience enough? Do we need to be visibly and audibly lesbian? I am intrigued and a little disturbed by pressure from some LGBTQI+ circles for people to ‘come out’ as well as shaming people who don’t or can’t come out and therefore live life on the DL. If some of us are happy to stick our necks out, does this somehow make up for those who draw theirs into their shells?

Which brings me to the exhibition I’ve developed with Molly Rangiwai-McHale and Ana Te Whaiti featuring artists Tasi Su’a, Jamie Berry, Sangeeta Singh, Emma Kotsapas, and Kerrie-Anne Van Heerden. The exhibition statement states: “‘When Can I See You Again?’ offers a public invitation into a private, contemplative space. This multimedia, multicultural, and multi-regional exhibition of emerging artists explores female sexualities, desire, power, and safe spaces. This collectively curated gathering is an attempt to build what bell hooks calls “a community of resistance”1. A “central location for the production of a counter-hegemonic discourse that is not just found in words but in habits of being and the way one lives” (206).

Women’s voices and bodies are privileged and amplified in new works created by Ana Te Whaiti, Emma Kotsapas, Jamie Berry, Kerrie Van Heerden, Luisa Tora, Molly Rangiwai-McHale, Sangeeta Singh, and Tasi Su’a. ‘When Can I See You Again?’ is strategically aligned with Auckland Pride Festival 2017.

‘Choosing the Margin as a Space of Radical Openness’ from Yearnings: Race, Gender and Cultural Politics (Routledge, 1989).”

To bring it back to the talanoa before, another aim of this show is to ‘build our own archive’ as discussed by Dr Teresia Teaiwa. If you are missing from the narrative, write your own then share it with others. If you are missing from the landscape, insert yourself into it. I am reminded of a young woman I met once when I was neck-deep in the LGBTQI+ lobby in Fiji. She quietly introduced herself and told me that she’d read an interview I’d done in the local media. She said it was the first time she’d seen the word lesbian discussed in a positive way in the newspaper. We hope that this show will provoke some interesting dialogue about all things lesbians. I would be happy if a quietly lesbian woman of any ethnic descent inputted gay woman/lesbian/queer/LGBTQI in Aotearoa/New Zealand into a search engine and quickly pressed enter – and then she found us. Kia kaha!

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Pasefika Issue: Two poems by Tusiata Avia

These poems are also published in a special Pasefika Issue of Fightback magazine.

Demonstration

The thing is

even after all these years

even after all you know

after all the times you have visited

classrooms , divided them into four

pointed to one quarter and said:

All you people have been sexually abused

to get the message across.

And then listened to them unbutton their stories

shame and anger lighting them up

firing the night inside them

the blackness all around

a thousand bright bombs falling from the sky.

The thing is

after speaking through the mouths of every kind

of good girl

girl child

bad girl

slut.

After reading

and talking and posting

the drain out of it

and then have it tunnel

back up through you

as big as an earthquake

only to disappear again.

Even after marching

at the anti-rape demonstration today

with your six-year-old daughter’s hand in yours

and a sign pinned to her chest:

Believe Survivors

even now, as you stand here in the Square

you wonder

because it was twenty-five years ago

and you did kind of like him

even though he was a bit of a Fob.

You wonder

because it was the Samoan Students’ Association so’otaga

and you were the president the year before

the first woman, the first New Zealand-born, the first afa kasi

and it was in your home town

and you helped him find a place to stay

you picked him up from the airport

it made you feel helpful

and kind and involved

and you did kind of like him.

You wonder

because after one of the asosi parties

you were a bit drunk and ended up sleeping

in the lounge of the house he was staying in

and kind of hoping something might happen

in the same way you would hold a tiny, fragile creature

in your loosely caged hands

maybe a butterfly or a baby mouse

and offer that delicate thing up

to him and hope he might

ease it gently from you

so as not to hurt it

and maybe offer something back.

Because of that

you let him kiss you

on the floor

before it turned

from a hopeful kiss with a guy

you kind of liked

to him on top of you

and you saying

No, stop it!

Because he’d stopped kissing you now

and even though he was shorter than you

he was a hell of a lot stronger than you could’ve imagined

and was prying you apart.

You wonder

because when you realised what was happening

you knew you didn’t want that

and you told him, I don’t want this. Stop!

But the thing is

he didn’t stop

he just kept going

he didn’t say anything

and you swore at him

Fucking get off me!

I don’t want this

I don’t want this

you said

I don’t want this.

But he just kept going

and didn’t say anything at all

until he was finished

when he rolled off you and said

It’s no big deal.

That’s all he said.

And you wonder

now, in the Square

if you could’ve fought harder

or not slept in the lounge

or not let him kiss you

or not kind of liked him

or not hoped he might like you too.

And you remember

that the next morning

when you got to your mother’s place

you looked at yourself in the hall mirror and thought

I’ve just been raped.

And then you had a shower

and changed into your church clothes

and went to the church service with everyone else

and he was there.

And when you returned to teachers’ college in Auckland

you couldn’t function

you kept seeing him in the cafeteria

and everywhere

and you kept cracking up

and missing classes

and when you finally went to the counsellor

and talked about it

she said, Have you heard yourself?

You keep saying

It’s no big deal.

So, today

twenty-five years later

as you watch this young woman

in the Square

the age you were then

take her clothes off in protest

you wonder again

whether it was rape

and whether it might have been your fault

IT WAS NOT MY FAULT IT WAS RAPE IT WAS NOT MY FAULT IT WAS RAPE IT WAS NOT MY FAULT IT WAS RAPE IT WAS NOT MY FAULT IT WAS NOT MY FAULT IT WAS RAPE IT WASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEWASWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULT

RAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOT

MYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPEITWASNOTMYFAULTITWASRAPERAPERAPERAPE

Apology

My body is not an apology

not a hiding place

not an arranged and artful fortress

my body is not a vapid pool of water

my body is not draped

it is not imagined into another shape or texture

not to you, Beloved

my body is a waterfall of flesh

my body is a herd of animals, fat and groaning for the bliss of slaughter

it is the celebration running down the faces of the famished

it is handfuls and handfuls

it is marrow and jelly and sizzling fat dripping steadily into the bonfire

my body is a baptism, a confessional

my body is the vows of a hundred thousand virgin soldiers

my body is the war that scours the earth

my body is the shalom and the salaam

my body is the mother shot suddenly in the street

my body is the mother dying slowly

my body is the frightened child coaxed out from beneath the body

of her fallen mother with a promise of honey

my body is the honey drowning the blind, the halt, the deaf, the mute

my body is the hospital

my body is the orphanage

my body is a hundred ice creams lined up like parents

my body is the alofa and the aroha

my body is the Sinai, the Red Sea, Hawai’i

my body is a room full of ancestors hurtling through the hole in my chest

Hine-nui-te-po, Pele, Nafanua, Isis, Aphrodite

their arms and legs and hair, hot and wet and tangled as they leave

my body is the distance between our bones, Beloved

my body loses its mind and its manners

my body is quivering, slippery, flushed as a newborn

my body is your mother

my body is your medicine

my body is the midwife hastening your own birth

pulling you out from inside the womb of your self

my body is the Qur’an, the Torah

my body is the Christ

my body is the prophetess, the Samoan goddess of war

my body leaves the underworld and rows across the oceans

my body is wet from the journey and frightens those who run to meet me

my body knows only of itself

which is the whole world

and the sky and the moon

and the planets spinning

my body catches them all in a net made of skin

my body is the tent of my body

and dwells here on earth among us.

Editorial: Electoral Politics Issue

Welcome to the summer 2016 issue of Fightback magazine. This year we have moved from a bi-monthly schedule to a quarterly schedule, focusing on planning themed issues rather than churning content out. We have grown our modest subscriber base to just over 100. If you would like to subscribe, please click here.

We are proud to say that two out of this year’s four issues; the Youth Issue (coordinated by Kassie Hartendorp) and the Pasifika Issue (coordinated by Leilani Viseisio); were contributor-led, with paid contributors from the wider community.

In contrast, this final issue for 2016 is mainly written by volunteer Fightback members, focused on Electoral Politics and Socialist Strategy. Many of the articles in the following pages may seem bleak. We argue that since the collapse of the Occupy movement and the Arab Spring, mainstream political discourse internationally has polarised between neoliberalism and a renewed xenophobic, right-wing populism.

This xenophobic current has finally found electoral expression in 2016. Keeping only to the Anglosphere; Brexit in the UK, Trump in the US, and One Nation in Australia all offer racism as a kind of security in uncertain conditions. Meanwhile in India, the ‘world’s largest democracy’, President Narendra’s anti-Muslim “communalist” movement thrives.

Conversely, left-reformist campaigns have also emerged internationally – Bernie Sanders’ campaign in the USA, Jeremy Corbyn’s successful leadership bid in the UK.

However, these popular left campaigns currently have no equivalent in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Instead, NZ’s Labour and Greens have both given expression to the international xenophobic trend, making it harder than ever to sustain a case for ‘lesser evil’ politics.

In principle, electoral tactics can be a legitimate part of left strategy. However, in Aotearoa/New Zealand today, there is little left of the left in this sphere.

We support independent initiatives by leftists, particularly in local body elections, where there appears to be some room to maneuvre: on an optimistic note, Bronwen Beechey covers successful campaigns by socialists in Australian local body politics. These campaigns are anti-racist, pro-worker and actively empower communities. These principles must come before the ‘quick fix’ of lowest-common-denominator politics, which increasingly panders to racism.

Ian Anderson, Coordinating Editor

Contents

  1. Trump and the ‘Populist International’

  2. Australia: One Nation legitimises fascist ideas – The time to stop Hansonism is now!

  3. Socialists retain seats in Australian local body elections

  4. Green vomit and statistical nonsense: The lies you hear about immigration and the Auckland housing crisis

  5. Auckland’s No-Choice Elections: Blue-Greens and conservative leftists

  6. NZ Labour, the housing crisis and the scapegoating of ‘foreigners’

  7. Resolutions for 2017 Fightback summer conference

Donald Trump and the ‘Populist International’

kkk-trump

KKK newspaper endorses Donald Trump

Article by Annie Applebaum, reprinted from the Washington Post (where it was printed under the title ‘Trump is a threat to the West as we know it, even if he loses‘).

This was written before Donald Trump’s shock election as US President, and the Washington Post is far from a typical source for a socialist group.

However, the article provides a useful overview of the recent international rise of right-wing populism, manifested in the USA as Trumpism.

Trumpism taps into a reservoir of nationalist resentment, which is unfortunately the most significant current challenge to neoliberal discourse.

The Democrats failed to provide a convincing alternative, offering a ‘business as usual’ candidate in unusual times. The #BlackLivesMatter and #StandingRock movements offer the only way forward: an anti-racist, anti-capitalist direct action movement built from the ground up. Leftists must articulate a progressive internationalism, as an alternative to both neoliberal centrism and racist nationalism.

They share ideas and ideology, friends and funders. They cross borders to appear at one another’s rallies. They have deep contacts in Russia — they often use Russian disinformation — as well as friends in other authoritarian states. They despise the West and seek to undermine Western institutions. They think of themselves as a revolutionary avant-garde just like, once upon a time, the Communist International, or Comintern, the Soviet-backed organization that linked communist parties around Europe and the world. Now, of course, they are not Soviet-backed, and they are not communist. But this loose group of parties and politicians — Austria’s Freedom Party, the Dutch Party for Freedom, the UK Independence Party, Hungary’s Fidesz, Poland’s Law and Justice, Donald Trump — have made themselves into a global movement of “anti-globalists.” Meet the “Populist International”: Whoever wins the U.S. election Tuesday, its influence is here to stay.

Although it is often described (by me and others searching for a shorthand) as “far-right,” the Populist International has little to do with the “right” that has thrived in Western countries since World War II. Continental European Christian Democracy arose out of a postwar desire to bring morality back to politics; Gaullism came out of a long French tradition of statism and secularism; Anglo-Saxon conservatives had a historic preference for free markets. Most of them shared a Burkean small-“c” conservatism: a dislike of radical change, skepticism of “progress,” a belief in the importance of conserving institutions and values. Most of them emerged out of particular local and historical traditions. All of them shared a devotion to representative democracy, religious tolerance, Western integration and the Western alliance.

By contrast, the parties that belong to the Populist International, and the media that support it, are not Burkean. They don’t want to conserve or preserve what exists. Instead, they want to radically overthrow the institutions of the present to bring back things that existed in the past — or that they believe existed in the past — by force. Their language takes different forms in different countries, but their revolutionary projects often include the expulsion of immigrants, or at least the return to all-white (or all-Dutch, or all-German) societies; the resurrection of protectionism; the reversal of women’s or minorities’ rights; the end of international institutions and cooperation of all kinds. They advocate violence: In 2014, Trump said that “you’ll have to have riots to go back to where we used to be, when America was great.”

Sometimes they claim to be Christian, but just as often they are nihilists and cynics. Their ideology, sometimes formalized and sometimes not, opposes homosexuality, racial integration, religious tolerance and human rights.

The Populist International holds these goals to be more important than prosperity, more important than economic growth, more important than democracy itself. Like the parties that once formed the Comintern, they are eager to destroy existing institutions — from independent courts and media to international alliances and treaties — to obtain them. This week, Britain’s Daily Mail, a newspaper that propagates the ideas of the Populist International, actually denounced three high-court judges as “Enemies of the People” because they decreed that Britain’s exit from the European Union would require parliamentary consultation. Trump is only one of many politicians — Poland’s Jaroslaw Kaczynski, Hungary’s Viktor Orban — who have launched attacks on the principles of their own constitutions.

Like their Comintern predecessors, the Populist International also understands that there is much to be gained by mutual support. German Christian Democrats would never have dreamed of campaigning on behalf of British Tories. And although they had much in common, Tories didn’t intervene directly on behalf of U.S. Republicans. By contrast, Nigel Farage, the leader of the UK Independence Party, has openly campaigned for Trump, even appearing in a “spin room” to plug the Republican nominee after one of his debates with Hillary Clinton. Geert Wilders, the xenophobic Dutch politician, showed up at the Republican National Convention, where instead of observing, as a Dutch Christian Democrat would have done, he agitated on behalf of Trump, too. All of the populist parties and newspapers use the narratives put out by Sputnik, the Russian news service that serves as an endless source of conspiracy theories and fake news. This week, a fake account of a refugee in Austria acquitted of raping a child — originally broadcast on Russian state TV — was repeated by Russian President Vladi­mir Putin and then across Europe, including (again) in the Daily Mail.

All the signs are that the movement is still growing. If Trump loses, the story isn’t over: His campaign will no doubt metastasize into a television channel and a news network, and will continue to spread. But his failure will encourage the antidotes — the citizens’ parties, based on ideas rather than charisma, the independent journalists, the democracy movements — that have begun to emerge.

And if Trump wins? The Populist International will be invigorated, not just in the United States but around the world. Trump will be its leader, his daughter Ivanka will be its heir apparent, and liberal democracy, and the West as we know it, may cease to exist. Think about that before you vote.

Pasefika Issue: Half Cast Away

This article is also published in Fightback’s special Pasefika magazine issue.

When I think back to my childhood, I am a Mowgli-like child sitting crossed legged in my Uncle’s living room. Second hand furniture surrounds me; a clutter of memories piled high in every corner of every room. My cousin’s 21st keys, family photos extending back to the Islands, dusty records and old radios. The room is a mixture of adult chatter, laughing Samoans, the smell of chop suey, corned beef, and roast chicken. My Nana sits atop her throne, the only comfortable chair in the house, laughing without her dentures in. She, a 4ft something Chinese/Sāmoan woman, silver hair always tied in a bun, wearing a tree- bark brown mu’umu’u. She calls me over with a wave of her arm, speaking to me in a language I don’t understand. She sizes me up, pinches my tummy and cheeks, says something in Sāmoan, laughs and kisses my baby face. I laugh with her, because it is polite, because she’s given me a cue. She nods at me and I take it as a sign to leave now, her cheeky smile watching as I run off to play with my cousins. This interaction happens every time we meet; she speaks and I do not understand. I laugh and she laughs, then she nods for me to leave.

Only now am I realizing the vastness of the space that was between us. The disconnect between two bodies of water, like she must have felt venturing to Aotearoa. Scooped her five kids under her arms and rowed to white shores for a better life. At 10 years old my Nana passed away, taking with her the Sunday lunches at Uncle’s house, the language so effortlessly spoken, and the best source of finding out where I come from. My mama tries to remember, but was too young to recall the villages, or the names of the people that might serve as a compass. She, a 5ft Chinese/Sāmoan woman, breathes compassion and fire. Her long, straw like black hair frames her gentle coconut skin. She married a white man and spent 25 years trying to abolish the myth that his family held about the brownness of our skin. Buried her culture in the barrels of their loaded shame, trigger tongues sit upon ivory towers. Made my mama ‘prove’ herself, whatever that means. It looked like a forgotten language and the trimming of branches, cutting limbs off in order to grow new ones. Her body, a patchwork of pride and shame stitched together by the taro leaves she tried to outgrow.

My parents’ marriage died the same year my Nana did. I ended up being raised by my father, who spat poison back at the Pacific, damned us all. So as I grew, my culture became strangely foreign land. Hidden behind shame, a spitting image of my mother. Always too white for the brown kids and too brown for the white kids. Our legs were planted in taro patches and everything that helps the plants grow. Only to be uprooted and forced to watch as the fields went up in flames. Burning the landscape of my Nana’s eyes, and all she called home. I refused the stars when they tried to lead me back, told them I don’t know where I belong. Forever searching for a safe place to lace my work boots.

My mama says I got warrior’s blood in my veins, but I’m just a worrier these days. It’s funny how it all comes 360, now I’m ashamed of that which I do not know. I couldn’t tell you anything my Nana said. I could not. Tell you. Anything my Nana said. My village stokes the fire to light my way home, laying out blankets of food, and sweeping the fale in wait of my adventurer feet. I still can’t see that welcome mat. I could not read any signposts leading back. Every year that passes, those stars seem further away to navigate, almost an impossible feat. Standing at the base of a mountain trying to will myself up. When the debris falls and the dust clears, what will be left? A silly boy who never seized the opportunity to go home? Who never sat at his Nana’s feet long enough to hear her speak? I have learned that it is no good to sit at a table offering no food to eat. Saying grace through a lazy English tongue. Cut it out so I can start again. Let me lash back at the forgotten war crimes waged on the bodies of my grandmothers. Let me sew my language to the roots of my spine. Let me learn the stars through my mama’s outstretched palms. She’ll smile and tell me, you belong here, little one, and whatever you are is enough.