Germany: Fighting Europe’s biggest hole

Photo from indymedia

Photo from indymedia

Guest article by Jojo (Fightback correspondent based in Germany).

For upcoming magazine issue on the Climate Crisis.

When the Conference of Parties (COP15) took place in Copenhagen in 2009, the mobilisation of the climate movement focused mainly on appealing to the governments meeting there to stop climate change. Since these governments were obviously not questioning capitalism and economic growth and were all putting their own interests first, this strategy had to fail. And it will fail again in Paris this December, when some NGOs will try to lobby the participants of this COP to find a solution to climate change. However, the more radical majority of the climate movement changed its strategy after Copenhagen and decided to fight climate change directly at its roots; for example, in the lignite field in the Rhineland between Cologne and Aachen in Germany.

This area is the biggest producer of CO2 in Europe. It has three open cast mines, one of them the size of the city centre of Cologne, as well as its own railways and several power plants. Besides producing massive amounts of greenhouse gas, it also pollutes the region with dust that is partly radio-active due to uranium in the ground. The mines destroy fertile soil, whole villages whose inhabitants are forced to move away and unique ecosystems. The mines and power plants are operated by RWE, one of the monopolists that control the German energy market.

There has always been resistance by local initiatives, but the climate movement discovered it in 2010 when the first climate camp took place there. Ever since then there has been an annual camp in the region, combining discussion and workshops with direct actions. In 2011, activists bought a house and established the Workshop for Actions and Alternatives (WAA) as a permanent space. In 2012, the Hambach forest which is home to some endangered species was occupied. This forest was once 6000 hectares large; the remaining 500 hectares are supposed to be cut down in the next few years. The activists built treehouses and a three story house out of wood between the trees. Some months later, the squat was evicted; this took three days, as one activist locked himself in a tunnel under the ground. After the eviction, they set up a camp on a meadow on the edge of the forest that is owned by a supporter. This camp still exists today and, in addition, several places in the forest are squatted with tree houses.

In the meadow, activists live in tents, caravans and self-built clay huts. They have solar panels for energy supply and collect left-overs from vegetable farmers and bakeries for food. “With our struggle in the Hambach forest we are not only fighting an absurd kind of energy production but also this capitalist system”, says Yogur, one of the squatters.

The occupation is a method of passive resistance but also a platform to start further actions. The clear cutting works, which RWE can only do in autumn and winter because of bird conservation regislations, are being blockaded and the infrastructure is sabotaged. There have also been blockades of the railway that brings the coal from the mine to the power plant. This year, activists also started going into the mine to occupy (and thus stop) the giant coal diggers that are around 200m long and almost up to 100m high, and to blockade the conveyor belts. One digger was occupied during the G7 summit and, since many police including their climbing teams were in Bavaria to stop protesters there, the activists couldn’t be evicted and the occupation lasted for more than 50 hours.

As these actions are a danger for RWE which is already almost bankrupt, repression is rising. RWE employs private security companies whose workers have beaten up activists on more than a few ocasions. Police are working closely together with the security companies and with RWE. Since autumn last year, police have begun taking activists into custody for several weeks. Just some days ago at the time of writing, another activist has been imprisoned.

Nevertheless, the movement is getting bigger. AusgeCO2hlt, the group that organises the annual climate camps has formed an alliance with other organisations like the Interventionist Left and NGOs like 350.org to organise a mass action of civil disobedience called “Ende Gelände” (“Here and no further”) in August this year during the climate camp. 1500 demonstrators went to enter one of the mines and to stop its operations successfully. The media couldn’t ignore this and the vast majority of media coverage was positive – no wonder, as even journalists were attacked by securities and police during the action.

The question however is if co-operation with NGOs might also mark a deradicalisation of the movement that, until now, has had an anti-capitalist (and mostly anti-state) perpective. Some NGOs are distancing themselves from the more militant actions happening around the Hambach Forest. It is clear that it is important for the rather small movement to grow, but at the same time activists should still stress that climate change can’t be stopped within a growth-based capitalist system.

Another important question will be how to gain support or at least understanding of RWE’s workers. When the German government planned a very moderate climate fee that owners of power plants with huge pollution should pay, their union, the IG-BCE, started a huge campaign as they saw their jobs under threat – and successfully stopped the climate fee. It will be hard to fight for a coal exit against the resistance of the workers. So it will be important to fight for conversion into environmental friendly jobs and also for better working conditions in the renewable sector.

When the COP meet in Paris this December, the climate movement will also mobilise there. Most of it will protest on 12 December, at the end of the conference, not to say “please save us from climate change” but to say “we’re not satisfied with your decisions”. The motto is “we are the ones we have been waiting for”. Until then (and after it as well) we will have to continue fighting climate change at its roots. This year’s clear cutting season in the Hambach Forest has just started and at the time of writing, activists are gathering here for a camp to share skills for actions. On the 17 October, they plan to blockade the coal railway once more.

The Hambach forest and Ende Gelände both also have English-language websites:

hambachforest.blogsport.de

https://ende-gelände.org/en/

Poem: Cassandra warns of climate change

Poem solicited for publication in Fightback’s upcoming Climate Crisis magazine issue.

Tam Vosper lives in Christchurch and is currently working on his Master of Arts (in English) at the University of Canterbury. He also, among sundry other distractions, reads and writes poems.

For my discomforting prophecies
I was harried past all asylum
to the very limits of discomfiture
by those whom I had told out of love
to do otherwise than trace headlong paths
past the rubicon of my wretched vision.

They saw to it I was silenced
and all memory of me effaced
beyond recognition.

Now, when children point at me,
questioningly, in the street,
they are bustled off by their guardians
at double pace
who readily assure them
that I am a nobody,
that I am, in fact, illusory –
a nameless, voiceless,
trick of the light:

as with the spectacular
pink and gold plasma
of a sunset seen through smog.

Editorial: Fightback ‘Internationalism’ Issue Out Now

2015-10-05 17.22.27

For our fourth magazine issue of 2015, Fightback is publishing an international-themed issue. This includes a number of reprints from international sources, aswell as original content. As we go to print, images of dead Syrian refugees have prompted international outcry, with some concessions won already – the New Zealand government recently announced plans to let 100 more refugees in. Fightback supports international working-class solidarity, including open borders and full rights for migrant workers.

What do we mean when we say ‘international’? Is it the same thing as global, or worldwide? Internationalism implies the existence of ‘nations.’ Nation-states, borders, in the sense we know them have only existed for a relatively short period of human history. Contemporary nation-states are a product of the emergence, and global expansion, of capitalism. Expansion, of course, meant bloody colonisation – although the same violent alienation of land that would later be inflicted on indigenous peoples was first inflicted on European peasants.

With the colonisation of the US in particular, the ‘colour line’ was drawn between white and black workers, a conscious attempt to undermine working-class unity. White workers received a “psychological wage,” in African-American theorist W.E.B. Dubois’ words; limited privileges in exchange for supporting the regime that exploited them.

Modern racism is therefore deeply connected to the global expansion of capitalism. Unfortunately, this has also run through ‘left’ and social-democratic politics; the NZ Labour Party supported the White New Zealand policy in the early 20th Century.

When we speak of internationalism, or international workers’ solidarity, it’s a struggle on multiple fronts. It’s a struggle against imperialism, an international military, economic and political system; a struggle against ‘free trade’ agreeements like the TPPA and military occupations; for the self-determination of communities. It’s a struggle against the global hierarchy, with a minority of mainly white billionaires on one pole, and the global majority on the opposite pole.

Many are somewhere in the middle, particularly in a nation like Aotearoa / New Zealand, a nation-state that tends to stand with the imperialist ‘Anglosphere’ – Britain, the US, Australia. 85% of this country identifies as ‘middle-class.’ Those of us in the middle must pick a side.

The forces stacked against us are immense, as Greece’s Syriza has demonstrated (see Greek Crisis, 3. P10-11). The fight will not be easy or quick. It will have to come from many places, many worldviews, but it will also require strategy – we can’t underestimate our enemies. Fightback hopes that this magazine issue will provide solace and assistance for our side.

Two options are available for subscribing to the print edition of Fightback. $10 a year will get you our six bi-monthly issues, or a sustaining subscription is available for $10 a month, a sustaining subscription offers financial support beyond the costs of printing and postage covered by the regular subscription.

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Contents Page: Voices of Women and Gender Minorities

Crowdfunded special edition of Fightback magazine (subscribe here), dedicated to radical writing by women and gender minorities. All contributors were paid.

A Son Samoa (Voices of Women and Gender Minorities)

Article originally published in Fightback magazine’s special issue dedicated to paid radical writing by women and minorities.

By Falenaoti Mokalagi.

Content Warning: sexual assault.

Yesterday a son of Samoa was jailed

25 years after the fact

I sat next to your daughter Samoa

Birthed in Aotearoa

I READ OUT ALOUD  the impact of this son

UP ON  your daughter Samoa

UP ON her mother

UP ON her siblings

UP ON her lineage

UP ON her genealogy

I heard at the age of 5 Samoa she lay on top of her mother to protect her from the heavy steel coffee table being rained on her by your son.

The memory recounted vividly as if it were only yesterday

She was 5, her sibling 2 when they took responsibility for the safety of their mother from your son Samoa, their father.

They were  all 3 hospitalised

Their records read that there had been an accident in their home and the 2 year olds injuries were sustained as a consequence of the toddler falling head first into the fireplace.

It was read in Court Samoa that by the age of 11 she knew what oral sex felt like what digital penetration, and lubrication were.

I READ OUT ALOUD  she felt disgusting

I READ OUT ALOUD  she felt she was a whore

I READ OUT ALOUD  she wanted to kill herself every day

Her constant pre-occupation

I READ ALOUD she survived

BY taking drugs

BY drinking alcohol

BY seeing endless counsellors

SHE leaves town

SHE has un-lasting relationships

SHE does not trust any Samoan man Samoa

I READ ALOUD he gave her gifts, and money

Received in silence and guilt

An exchange for her silence

He told her Samoa that no one would believe her

I READ OUT ALOUD she just lay there.

Yesterday a son of Samoa was jailed

He walked into the Court room as if he had done no wrong

I heard he continued to deny what his hands had shaped

I heard he continued to deny even after being found guilty by a jury of his peers

The judge said out aloud there is no other suitable penalty but jail

He leaves the dock assisted

He is visibly stunned Samoa

I HEARD ALOUD that after 25 years he had changed his ways

I HEARD after 25 years he read his Bible every day

I HEARD after 25 years he should be allowed to stay at home

Under detention

THE JUDGE SAID ALOUD there is no other suitable penalty, but jail.

THE FOG LIFTS from the head of your daughter Samoa, who is born is Aotearoa.

SHE is heard,

SHE is seen,

SHE is believed and some responsibility for her is taken

SHE frees her mother, her siblings

And the process of restoration of the spaces that were trampled

The spaces defiled

Starts

I CELEBRATE her courage Samoa

HER generosity

And her wholeness Samoa

Your daughter Samoa

Born in Aotearoa

Ma lou faaaloalo lava