Judgementality and the “neutral, objective” voice of whiteness (Voices of Women and Gender Minorities)

Article originally published in Fightback magazine’s special issue dedicated to paid writing by women and gender minorities.

By MZ.

On the radical left, there are both subtle and blatant forms of colonial white supremacy. I want to draw attention to a subtle form of white supremacy that I would call “judgmentality”. This is the ‘mentality’ in which (mostly) white people feel entitled to be arbitrators of right and wrong of everything, universally. The observations I will share are based on my experiences of being non-Pākehā tau iwi in leftist, queer and feminist movements in Aotearoa.

I am sharing these thoughts not for white leftist self-improvement to be better people, but to consider how the way structural racism is reproduced in supposedly anti-oppressive movements and not remain complicit.

When people first develop radical analyses of the world, I have seen a tendency to be self-righteous and judgmental of people who are ‘not there yet’. This identity as a radical becomes a marker of difference and is cultivated by critiquing those who are problematic, liberal etc. I have totally done this. When I was working mostly with white anarcha-feminists, I used to have a few close white girl friends that were extremely judgmental about other people’s politics. Their politics were always correct and pure. They wrote people off and were militant in their approach. For some contexts, I thought that was staunch and totally appropriate, especially when it’s challenging men for sexism for example. However, that culture of judgmentality seemed to be less about changing the system and growing radical social movements and more about cultivating an elitist individual identity or exclusive group culture of “the chosen ones”.

White judgementality also crosses the line when white people feel entitled to judge people of colour struggles and be mediators between different groups of people of colour. I’ve had Pākehā friends tell me where my place should be in supporting tangata whenua. Over and over again in white-dominated groups and spaces, I’ve seen Pākehā act as the experts of other people’s struggles and judges of what less privileged people should and shouldn’t do. It’s frustrating when Pākehā people don’t know when to shut up, when it’s not their place to speak, when the position they are criticising from is a place of privilege. The relational power they hold operates in the same way as the unequal power relations that define structures of racism and colonialism.

Think about the role of a judge in the court system. The judge, usually an old heterosexual white cis-man, has the decision-making power over the guilt or innocence of a defendant, and the punishment if decided guilty. The judge, in the western legal imagination, is also seen as neutral and objective, with no investment in the cases. Their position rests on these ideals and faith in the ‘fairness’ of their judgements. Of course, no person can ever truly be objective or neutral, there are always political, cultural and epistemological biases. Judges, like the police, as many people already know, have been instruments of colonisation, rape culture and capitalism.

These features of a judge also exist outside of the courtroom. White people often see themselves as the ‘neutral’ voice, especially when they have an outsider status in a situation where their subjectivities are not invested in the struggle in question. They often claim ‘neutrality’ and ‘objectivity’ in narrating, defining and judging the struggles of other people. This is also known as the West knows Best mentality.

White judgmentality is another performance of racism that is more latent can be under the guise of benevolence. It reeks of colonial ideas of civilisational and intellectual superiority. People most directly affected in a situation and most marginalised are the ones that knows best how to organise and fight for their liberation. Solidarity means support, not taking over or thinking you know better. Respect and support the leadership of groups most disempowered by hegemonic power.

The last thing we need is more judges. They are part of the same (in)justice system as the police and the prison system: an arm of the colonial settler state that maintains violent social hierarchies and rampant economic inequality. Like the May 1968 Paris slogan “kill the cop in your head”, the judge needs to die too.   

Not All Men (Voices of Women and Gender Minorities)

Bella Wallace - By Emily Brown.

Bella Wallace – By Emily Brown.

Article originally published in Fightback magazine’s special issue dedicated to paid writing by women and gender minorities.

Isabella Wallace is an 18 year old girl living in Wellington. Her email address is bella.wallace@gmail.com.

Content Warning: rape culture, slutshaming.

It’s Monday. I’m going home at 6pm and a middle-aged man and a teenage boy are the only people left on the bus with me. I’m automatically scared, scared because of my own anatomy. I wonder how old I was when I realized that my own body was going to be the cause of the constant anxiety and fear I feel in situations like this. I get off at the last stop and the older man smiles at me while following me up the street. His smile drips, drips, drips and my heart is pounding, pounding, pounding. He turns off down another road, but I run the rest of the way home.

Not all men.

I’m at home on a Tuesday; beginning to plan the travels I want to go on next year. I dream of wandering the streets and meeting strangers. I just can’t wait to escape the city I’ve lived in for 18 long years. But… my mum is hesitant. She’s forever worried about the danger that being a young girl traveling alone can bring. I’ll be alone and she’s scared. Surely I’m invincible. I feel invincible. But I know, I know this danger is real and I can’t help but think to myself, if I feel unsafe in my own city, how am I going to feel in a strange place with strange men who don’t speak the same language as me? If I was my brother planning this, I would probably just be wondering if European girls are going to be hot.

Not all men.

Wednesday is a beautiful sunny day but I’ve always been told that I don’t have a “nice enough body” to wear a bikini on the beach. Ever since I was 6 years old I’ve thought that having tummy fat was ugly. That skin that doesn’t have a perfectly golden glow is undesirable. I amble to a clear patch of sand in my one piece and I can feel pairs of eyes latching onto me. Hairy men in Speedos who I don’t look twice at eat into my body with their stares. I’m a piece of meat. I am a piece of meat? I am here for their amusement. Please don’t let me be eaten alive.

Not all men.

Thursday night two friends and I are walking to our goddamn school dance when we hear “Jesus look at you! You sluts heading to a pole?” These words snarl out of the mouth of a respectably dressed man and we stop in horror. Shivers roll up my back in fear. It’s dark. We are alone. What. Do. We. Do??? One of us pulls the finger back. I can never be sure how quickly a sexist man can get angry so we walk quickly away. We’re angry, so so angry. But also so… deflated. I wonder if we deserve this shame.

Not all men.

Sitting on the internet, Friday night and scrolling down my Facebook newsfeed:

“Haha, good job at the game today bro. You RAPED them!”

“Damn with tits like that, you’re asking for it :P”

Another sexist comment…

Another sexist comment…

Another sexist comment…

I’m shrinking and shrinking and shrinking and I want to CRY because these boys don’t realize how small they make me feel with just pressing a few keys. I see these boys on the streets, I talk to these boys, I laugh with these boys. Dear GOD, dear GOD I hope these boys don’t think actions speak louder than words…

Not all men.

Three rules that have been drilled into me since I was young run through my mind at 1.30am on a Satur… Sunday Morning:

-Don’t ever talk to strange men

-Don’t ever be alone at night in a strange place

-Don’t ever get into a car with a stranger

I break all 3 of these laws as I pull open the taxi door. Making light conversation with the driver, he doesn’t see my sweaty hand clutching the small pocket knife I keep hidden on me at all times. He doesn’t even realize the fear I feel at his mere presence. He cannot comprehend it, he never will. How easy would this 15 minute car ride be if I were a boy?

Not all men.

It comes to Sunday, another snoozy, sleepy, Sunday and someone has the AUDACITY to tell me not all men are rapists. I say nothing.

I’m an 18 year old girl.

When I am walking alone and it’s dark, it’s all men.

When I am in a car with a man I don’t know well, it’s all men.

When men drunkenly leer at me on the streets, it’s all men.

When a boy won’t leave me alone at a party, it’s all men.

Not all men are rapists. But for a young girl like me? Every one of them has the potential to be.

Not.

All.

Men.

Editorial: Voices of Women and Gender Minorities

Editorial for Fightback magazine’s crowdfunded issue dedicated to paid radical writing by women and gender minorities.

Articles will be posted over the coming days. While stocks are limited, please contact us for a paper copy.

Tēnā koutou katoa,

When I think of radical politics, grassroots organising and transformative actions, I always think of the women and gender minorities I know, who are leading, supporting and working hard, both out front and behind the scenes. Fierce wahine, fearless whakawahine, fa’afafine and transwomen, those who are staunch in their refusal to fit within the gender binary, women with big ideas, bigger hearts, and unrivalled strength and compassion.

When I look at socialist or political media, I have struggled to find these voices present. There could be a million reasons for why this is, however I know it is not for a lack of women and gender minorities wanting to change the world and to end capitalism. We cannot afford to have this absence of strong leftwing political voices from our communities. At the time of writing, the Human Rights Commission had released an ‘Equality at Work’ report showing that across the board in terms of unemployment, pay and leadership roles, women are still underrepresented. Māori and Pasifika women and women with disabilities are still facing the harshest marginalisation of all. Transgender women and gender minorities are not even mentioned. More than ever, we need analysis and action that comes from a place of feminism, socialism, decolonisation and intersectionality.

Earlier last year, one of our male comrades came up with an idea to address the lack of women writing for this magazine. To provide a practical response to the issue of women and gender minorities facing higher barriers to work and live, he proposed that we crowdsource some funding to pay contributors for their work. While this may be a small one-off payment, we want women and gender minorities to know that their ideas are valued on the socialist left. We want to acknowledge the unpaid work that is done year after year, whether in the home, workplace, whānau, family, organisations or activism. We aimed to give back to those women and gender minorities who believe in challenging this flawed socio-economic system and to offer fuel in the ongoing fight.

For a niche radical magazine, we were excited to receive so many pitches and donations, and I truly have been honoured to gather these articles, stories and poetry. We exceeded our funding goal, and are proud to say that (despite the fee we owe to Pledgeme), the money we raised will be split entirely between the contributors. In this issue, I wanted to provide a space that navigated the personal and political without resorting to separate boxes that compartmentalise our experiences and struggles. To welcome the complexities that are inevitable when it comes to gender, sex, race and class, acknowledge the personal and structural trauma that shadows/overshadows us, and paddle this waka into a place that can see, feel and touch new  worlds and true transformation. This work is only one part of a longer history that looks back and traces forward, and only the tip of the maunga when it comes to radical work in our communities. We hope you find new whakaaro in these pages, and we encourage you to keep writing, speaking, acting, gathering and dreaming to organise for an end to all oppression and exploitation at the hands of colonisation and capitalism.

Nāu te rourou, nāku te rourou, ka ora te manuhiri. Nāu te rākau, nāku te rakau, ka mate te hoariri.

Your food basket and my food basket will satisfy the guest. Your weapon and my weapon will dispose of the enemy.

Kassie Hartendorp – Editor.

Acknowledgements:

Pip Clarke – Cover Design

Izzy Joy – Layout

Vita, Bronwen Beechey – Sub-Editors

Daphne Lawless – Support

Fightback Aotearoa – to Byron Clark for the concept, Ian Anderson and Joel Cosgrove for the background mahi.

Everyone who contributed to and supported this mahi.

Sue Bradford: Where To for the Left?

AAAP

Originally delivered at Fightback forum – Grey Lynn – 7.00 – 9.00pm Friday 21 August 2015.

By Sue Bradford, Left Think Tank Project.

Audio:

Kia ora koutou,

Well friends, ‘Where to for the left? really is the question of our time, with thanks to Daphne, Bronwen and Fightback for organising this forum tonight.

I still often think of it as ‘What is to be done?’   I’ve been engaging pretty seriously with this over the last four years, partly through three years of PhD research and alongside that through my daily work with Auckland Action Against Poverty, Kotare Trust and now the left think tank project.  This question is for me, as it will be for all of us here I suspect, an acute conjunction of theory and praxis, of what we think theoretically should be happening, and what we are actually prepared to do, now, in Aotearoa 2015, to resist and confront neoliberal capitalism and build past it.

My research project was as much a study of the state of the NZ left between 2010 and 2013 as it was an exploration of questions around the absence of any substantive left think tank in this country.  After interviewing 51 left activists and academics and maintaining a field journal of three years of my own life on the left, then carefully analysing the resulting data, I came to two major conclusions.  The first was that there is a widespread call and recognition  of the need for the development of left wing think tanks or think tank like groups here, for a whole range of reasons, but key amongst them simply that the left needs to think more, and more deeply about we’re doing.

The second key finding, and the one that I hadn’t been expecting when I started out, was that an even bigger absence felt by many, especially those of us on the radical left, was the lack of any organisation, party or movement that we could call home, and where we might work together to achieve a shared vision for a better world. Of course, for members of existing parties like the Greens and Mana this isn’t necessarily an issue at all, and that’s fine.  However, there are many others of us, for whom the lack of a place and base which holds us together, and from which we can build, is a massive barrier to creating effective change – to building what I like to call effective radical left counter hegemony.

I’ve had the privilege of spending the last year talking in many different parts of Aotearoa about the think tank project – and about this question of the lack of a party or movement.

In every place I’ve been, there has been a real resonance among at least some of those present around this absence.  From the first meetings onwards I discovered that the yearning I’d uncovered for an ideological home and organising base exists far more widely than I’d realised, even by the end of my research.

I guess that this is one of the reasons I’m so optimistic about where we go from here.  There are far more of us out here on the radical left than most of us can comprehend simply based on knowledge of our own political and personal networks.  And more people approach me every week, mainly to join the think tank project but often enough to also express interest in the development of a party.

In some ways helping to work through ideas around the formation of a new party has become in fact the first project of the think tank itself.  While the think tank doesn’t visibly exist yet, it is already a network of some 400 people, and very soon we’ll be starting to make key decisions on things like our kaupapa, legal structure and the ever vexed question of what we should call ourselves.

We’ll also be talking about the relationship between our radical left think tank and the possible development of a party.  Building a party is a much bigger project – but both are essential, and I believe – all going well – there is likely to be a symbiotic and mutually beneficial relationship between them.

Meanwhile, it’s important that in all this hope and optimism I’m sensing and expressing here, that we do pay attention to what’s happened in the past. It’s good that Daphne is doing the  kind of detailed reflection outlined here tonight about some of the negatives which have bedevilled what I”ll call the sectarian left, in the past and even currently.  There is no way I’d ever want to go back to that, and we do need to face our shadows and shady histories as we build forward.

At the same time, it’s critical that we go past our histories, in consciousness of them, but with a clear focus on having the courage to start taking action in the here and now, and to not be so scared of repeating the past that we are immobilised by it.

There’s another danger I’ve noticed in recent times, when working particularly with younger activists, that sometimes people want everything we organise to be perfect from beginning to end.  Nothing we do, whether it’s a demo outside Sky City or a building an organisation from scratch will ever be perfect.  Everything we do is us practising – but of course that practising, is in fact life itself.  That’s why waiting for the revolution or waiting for utopia is such a hopeless occupation.  As  so many of us realise, we make our path by walking it, which means we need to give things a go, reflect on where we’ve gone right and wrong, and then do it all again – better, if we can. In the rehearsal are the seeds of the world we hope for.

Another debate that’s happening around our groups just now, and I think it’s happening in Fightback too, is around the question of who we on the radical left, however we define ourselves, see as our constituencies – and how we should work with them. I fear that this is a debate that can soak up much time without really getting anywhere if we keep focusing on ‘the people’ or ‘the workers’ – as the other.

We are the people.  The people we work with and for are the people.  When we’re bringing on new people as beneficiary advocates at Auckland Action Against Poverty,  one of the first conversations we have with them isn’t about the intricacies of welfare law and regulation but about how we talk about the people we work with.  Often our volunteers will quickly start using the word ‘client’ to describe the people who come to us for help with their issues at Work and Income.  We ban that word client because we see it as creating an artificial separation, making the person we’re helping the other, a less fortunate charitable case, rather than simply a fellow human being whom we’re assisting at that moment, and who may later on become another one of our advocates or may even join us on a street action.

The next question from the desperate volunteer is often ‘well if we can’t use the word client, what on earth can I call them?’ the answer is simply ‘people’ or ‘person’.  In our group we are mainly people who are or have been unemployed and/or on benefits for a long period at some time in our lives.  We are just people helping other people.

I think that this principle should apply just as strongly when some of us may in the near future engage in building a radical left extra parliamentary party.  It won’t work if we say – and even worse think – of groups of people as any kind of undifferentiated mass.  In fact, it is other people from all different backgrounds, ages, ethniticites and sectors with whom we will work to build a common kaupapa and a shared future.

Building organisation is a long slow process which happens person by person, in context, not in some random magical way.  Organising work, to be effective, takes care and time.

And we don’t only have our negative histories to look back on.  In fact all sorts of good work has happened in Aotearoa in recent decades, and I”d rather spend more time learning from experiences where groups have worked together respectfully and well in a common cause than from where the sect left has torn itself apart and treated each other like enemies.

I think some of the projects I’ve been involved with like the Unemployed Rights Centre and the Auckland Peoples Centres, the Building our own Future project in 1993-1994 and the still standing Kotare Trust have useful lessons for us. There is also much to be learned from the recent and current work of groups like Unite, FIRST Union and its offshoot migrant workers’ union Unemig, and the longterm mobilisation against the TPPA.  Mana has many learnings for us when we have finally the courage to discuss these together.

Beyond this, let’s lose our fear of doing things differently than they’ve been done before, and of working with people and types of people with whom we might not have worked before.

Let’s not get bogged down in infinitely split distinctions about whether it’s more important to work with this group of people or type of person than that.  Everyone I know on the radical left gets intersectionality these days – we do all understand, perhaps using different language, the connections between different struggles and different oppressions – so let’s not allow those arguments to divide us, unless the differences are acute.

At the same time, false unity or seeking false unity – can be a really dangerous path down which to walk. I know damn well that there’s no point my working with people from Labour and the social democratic left to set up a pan left think tank because the fundamental kaupapa which divides us too deep.

The idea that there can be a short cut to building a strong left by pulling together disparate left forces ranging from social democrats to the far left is foolish.  Such coalitions end in tears, but more importantly than that, each time a mongrelised coalition emerges it raises then dashes the hopes of another generation of activists.  It’s much better to build more slowly and be inclusive of all who agree to a well thought through kaupapa than to develop something that might briefly flare up, then be unsustainable into the future.

The worst thing that the left can do right now is panic because we’ve had years of an awful National-led government, and put all our energies into replacing it with an only slightly less awful Labour-led government.  Instead we should put everything we have into developing our own autonomous organisations capable of harnessing our collective energy and resources into building for a future against and beyond capitalism.

Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by UN Peacekeepers

French soldiers recently patrol a street in the Central African Republic capital of Bangui (source: AFP/ Getty Images)

French soldiers recently patrol a street in the Central African Republic capital of Bangui (source: AFP/ Getty Images)

This article will be published in Fightback’s upcoming International-themed issue.

By Cassandra Mudgway, PhD Student at University of Canterbury (UC). Vice President of the UC’s Feminist Society (UC FEMSOC). Twitter: @legallyfeminist

Peacekeepers: Perpetrators

Casual observation of media news stories would suggest that United Nations Peacekeeping operations have been at the centre of so-called “sex scandals” off-and-on for the last 15 years. The truth is far more insidious. Many allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse committed by UN peacekeepers are reported each year. Incidences of sexual abuse (such as rape, sexual violence, exchange of sex for aid or food, and paedophilia) have been reported from every area in which the UN operates (for example, Cambodia, Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Liberia, Somalia, and South Sudan).1 The latest series of allegations that hit the news included a rape of a 12 year old girl in the Central African Republic by a member of a UN military contingent (August 2015).2

Victims of sexual exploitation and abuse are overwhelmingly women and children.

Accountability for sexual exploitation and abuse is woeful. Despite the UN’s “zero-tolerance” policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, the organisation does not have the capacity to initiate criminal investigations or enforce prosecution. In the case of substantiated reports, the most the UN can do is send the individual perpetrator back to their home country (repatriate). It is up to the troop-contributing country to investigate and prosecute their nationals. However, states are in some cases unwilling or unable to exercise jurisdiction leading to impunity.

A lack of accountability means a lack of justice for victims and their communities discredits the UN’s position as a human rights “promoter”.

As a response to the first wave of sexual abuse allegations in the early 2000s, a UN official report3 recommended various reforms to the structure of peacekeeping. Such reforms included putting in place curfews and “out of bounds” areas (to minimise unnecessary contact with local women and girls). In terms of accountability, UN agreements with troop-contributing states attempted to “clarify” obligations, including formal “assurances” that states will exercise their criminal jurisdiction when they receive reports of sexual exploitation involving their nationals.

Ten years post-reforms, the situation seemingly remains the same.

An expert report leaked by AIDS-Free World4 earlier this year revealed on-going impunity. Despite increased training and awareness-raising, UN personnel claim ambiguity about what conduct constitutes “sexual exploitation” (see more below). Additionally, local communities either do not know about the “zero-tolerance” policy or are unsure about how to report incidences of suspected abuse. This has resulted in mass underreporting of sexual exploitation and abuse.

More disturbing, the report indicated a continued culture of sexual exploitation within UN peacekeeping operations.

Sexual Exploitation

Under the UN’s “zero-tolerance” policy sexual exploitation includes the following conduct: survival-sex type relationships (where sex is exchanged for assistance which is already owed, sometimes this is as small as a $1 or a biscuit) and soliciting sex from adult prostitutes. “Sexual exploitation” is about the abuse of unequal power dynamics between peacekeepers (particularly military contingent members) and the local population, who are often dependent on aid/assistance.

However, the official definition used by the UN is broad enough to include consensual sexual relationships:5

actual or attempted abuse of a position of vulnerability, deferential power or trust for sexual purposes including, but not limited to, profiting from monetarily, socially, or politically from the sexual exploitation of another.”

This, and the inclusion of prostitution, arguably removes agency from women who engage in such relationships. Sex is labelled the problem rather than the context in which it occurs.

Context: poverty

UN peacekeepers are often deployed to areas which are experiencing circumstances of conflict, post-conflict or post-disaster. Women and children are disproportionally affected within these contexts and are often displaced (relocated to refugee camps, for example) and become extremely poor. Suddenly, the presence of peacekeepers and humanitarian aid workers offers hope for those who are suffering and the differential power in this relationship becomes obvious. Instead of tackling the issue of poverty as a driving force of sexual exploitation, the UN has opted for a prohibition of sex.

Context: harmful masculinities

The countries which contribute the most troops to peacekeeping come from social and cultural backgrounds which are similar to host countries in relation to discrimination against women. Moreover, sexual objectification of women and gendered violence are magnified within harmful masculinities associated with militaries. An attitude of “boys will be boys” compounds any pre-existing gender and racial hierarchy within the local community. The result is a culture of sexual exploitation and an unwillingness to enforce standards.

For the UN to move forward, arguably reforms of accountability mechanisms and victim assistance must also take into consideration the wider context of harmful masculinities and gendered violence.

Critical mass: movement for change?

After the damning reports6 released this year, the Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, announced an external independent review7 into the allegations of sexual abuse in the Central African Republic and the UN’s response mechanisms (again, of course a similar report was issued in 2005). Civil society and non-governmental organisations (such as AIDS-Free World) have rallied this year to push the UN to reconsider the exclusive authority of troop-contributing countries to prosecute.8

In August, Ban Ki-moon removed General Babacar Gaye as head of the UN peacekeeping mission in the Central African Republic as a demonstration of a robust response to these allegations, and one of the more surprising moves to come out of the Secretariat in recent years.9 However, the world has to wait and see whether individual perpetrators are also investigated and punished.

It remains to be seen whether this is the beginning of a serious challenge to the culture of sexual exploitation within the ranks of peacekeeping or whether the upcoming reports and reforms will once again fall to the lowest common denominator.

It will be up to the international community to continue to pressure the United Nations and troop-contributing countries for better accountability and demand an end to impunity.

NB: Cassandra will be speaking about her PhD research in this area at the UC FemSoc “Intersectional Feminist Day Conference” (Saturday September 12, Business and Law Building, University of Canterbury). Her PhD will be published in 2016.

1 See for example General Assembly, Investigation into sexual exploitation of refugees by aid workers in West Africa GA A/57/465 (2002); Human Rights Watch The Power These Men Have Over Us: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by African Union Forces in Somalia (September 2014); M Pflanz “Six-year-olds Sexually Abused by UN Peacekeepers” The Daily Telegraph (26 May 2008) http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news; UNHCR and Save The Children-UK Sexual Violence and Exploitation: The Experience of Refugee Children in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone (February 2002).

2 Amnesty International “CAR: UN Troops implicated in rape of girl and indiscriminate killings must be investigated” (news release, 11 August 2015).

3 Secretary-General A Comprehensive Strategy to Eliminate Future Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations GA A/59/710 (2005), prepared by Prince Zeid Ra’ad Zeid Al-Hussein.

4 Dr T Awori, Dr C Lutz and General P J Thapa Final Report: Expert Mission to Evaluate Risks to SEA Prevention Efforts in MINUSTAH, UNMIL, MONUSCO, and UNMISS (2013) leaked by AIDS-Free World March 2015 see AIDS-Free World Open Letter to Ambassadors of All United Nations Member States (16 March 2015) <www.aidsfreeworld.org>.

5 Definition from the United Nations Secretary-General’s Bulletin Special Measures for Protection from Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse SG B ST/SGB/2003/13 (2003).

6 Above n 4; Office of Internal Oversight Services Evaluation Report: Evaluation of the Enforcement and Remedial Assistance Efforts for Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by the United Nations and Related Personnel in Peacekeeping Operations (May 2015).

7 G Russell “EXLCUSIVE: UN sex abuse scandal: Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon announces new inquiry” Fox News (4 June 2015) http://www.foxnews.com.

8 For more information about the campaign (#CodeBlue) check out AIDS-Free World’s website: http://www.codebluecampagin.com.

9 C Anna “Ban Fires UN Peacekeeping Chief in Central African Republic” abc News (August 2015) http://www.abcnews.go.com.