Body Politics (a poem by Sionainn Byrnes)

james connolly

Mural in Belfast, photo taken by Sionainn Byrnes.

Poem by Sionainn Byrnes (UC Femsoc, Fightback).

Trigger warning: references to incest

What am I? On A3 sheets of recycled pulp mashed new
Furry ended felts and snapped crayons strewn across the room
I am opportunity, I am hope, I am green ribbons in auburn pigtails

I am marital glue – pasty, gelatinous, salty
I am a human born of expectations failed and fresh
I am what hurting people produce in the temporary solace of their shared dysfunction
I am the love child of belts on skin, welts on skin, wounds melting when skins are shared

Unbeknownst to me I am ‘working class’
I am of terrorist descent
A portent of my danger in years to come
My shrapnel bombs now stained by menses
I am the red scare

And yet if I were a man, I would be more Irish than I am
Because strong men in Belfast – who share my blood – don’t mix real politics with feminism
Don’t take notes from insular girls who live a world away from reality
Green ribbons don’t make you one of us
And what’s this whakapapa you mention?
I hope you know that’s illegal here – cue laughs –
Plus we only speak Gaelic

And somehow I’m the hick?
Because I tried to speak in the language of your own politics
Lesson learnt: don’t try to make struggles and troubles equal

But I am still S – I – O – N – A – I – N – N, Sionainn to you
I am Gaelic on recycled pulp mashed new
True, that in New Zealand I have settled felt-like upon that paper with privilege
Even though spelling errors on official documents erase a part of me I am nonetheless lucky that my face matches the papery palette of power

White craft materials affirm me while sing-song lilts denounce my green ribbons, my lack of sexual inhibitions, my stories that stain the blanket men in ways they never experienced in Long Kesh

I dive into murals, into barbed wire, into taxi drivers who seem only to know the directions to Shankill Road, into the bed of my cousin’s friend Cormac
In order to make whakapapa relevant to me, to them
In order to retrieve something that was lost in emigration
In order to settle the fuck a niece that ensured my mother would never return to Ireland, and which is apparently not illegal

My green ribbons, tied to my lack of sexual inhibitions, tied to my ideological positions

Fuck a niece informed my femininity
To my uncles I say: that’s what I mean by intersectionality
That’s what the return line from Christchurch to Singapore to Frankfurt to Dublin to Belfast means

As a side note I am constantly referred to as Siobhan because it is more recognizable than Sionainn
My mother is Siobhan
I am my mother, and all of her baggage
I am lost in transit
I am running out of room for presents

It occurs to me that I was a child when this began
I was opportunity, I was hope, I was green ribbons in auburn pigtails

What am I? On a pixelated screen some twenty years later
I am a well-read Frankenstina
I am a work in progress, regress, progress, regress
Future, past, Sionainn, Siobhan
Brick by brick by bricolage
Still pasty, glutinous, and salty, though, my glue, my mashed potato mortar, has not yet dried
I am a body politic, and a voice worth hearing in the right context, but one that is trying to learn its place and its limitations

Mass Surveillance and Resistance

GCSB-WAIHOPAI-FIVE-EYES-750x400

Revelations just five days before the General Election pose serious questions about the nature of the New Zealand government. Whistleblower Edward Snowden has revealed details about the GCSB and the rest of the spying apparatus. The revelations on spying reveal that it is a serious threat to the democratic rights of New Zealanders.

Snowden has provided evidence that the NZ ‘intelligence’ (spying) agency, the GCSB, is collecting ‘metadata’. This metadata is collected by the US National Security Agency (NSA) through wiretaps across countries, including in NZ. Records of emails, text messages and phone calls for all NZer’s is kept and can be accessed by X-KEYSCORE, a program developed by the USA.

As such, not only the government and NZ spy agencies, but international spooks, such as Snowden’s former workmates in Hawaii have access to people’s online information.

These revelations are important on several fronts. Firstly, Prime Minister John Key has repeatedly said that mass surveillance is not taking place. Like Dirty Politics, this information raises serious questions about how honest PM Key has been to the NZ people.

Secondly, the GCSB engaged in programs that they knew to be illegal. The law was changed to expand the GCSB’s powers, but this was done after the fact.

This spying hasn’t been used to stop terrorist threats. The surveillance state in NZ hasn’t prevented any terrorist acts. But these powers or similar actions have been used to smash political threats (the Urewera Raids) and economic threats (Dotcom) to the status quo. So while as individuals, the collection of metadata raises concerns about where our personal information may end up, it has documented ramifications for our democratic rights.

Hager’s Dirty Politics showed that National’s strategy is to maintain power through whatever means necessary and increase the influence of big corporations. This right wing agenda seeks to minimise the amount of people involved in politics. National take their place in a long history of big money and their capitalist parliamentary formations working to make everyday people feel disempowered and disconnected from mainstream politics.

Responding to this is necessary. An important part of the fight against the surveillance state will be removing elected representatives. The September 20 election is an important opportunity to both remove the Key government from power, and to elect important fighters into parliament, such as Annette Sykes, John Minto and Hone Harawira.

Giving John Key the arse will be an important start, but it will leave the GCSB in place. Even if we succeed in removing the GCSB, it won’t stop the corporations and monied interests that they serve. But by building the movement against these injustices we can build a power that counters the 1%.

As Laila Harre said at the Moment of Truth, we need to go ‘house by house and street by street’, and convince people to demand greater protections on our democratic rights. When so much power is concentrated in the hands of so few, behind closed doors, only the power of the people can challenge it.

See also

Mass surveillance and sexual violence: The difference between Snowden and Assange

Chelsea Manning and Edward Snowden: whistleblowers persecuted for exposing imperialist abuses

Chelsea Manning and Edward Snowden: whistleblowers persecuted for exposing imperialist abuses

Last night’s ‘Moment of Truth’ event in Auckland, called together by Internet Party founder Kim Dotcom, revealed the extent of mass surveillance in Aotearoa/NZ. Our government, in complicity with a transnational regime headed by the US, collects extensive personal data through information technology. As seen in the 2007 Urewera Raids, governments will use this information to justify attacks on ordinary people.

The ‘Moment of Truth’ event brought Dotcom together with whistle-blower Edward Snowden, Wikileaks founding member Julian Assange, and journalist Glen Greenwald.

Although Snowden, Dotcom and Assange are all sought by authorities, the nature of the charges are different. Copyright and espionage laws are largely designed to help governments and corporations protect their power; sexual violence, in the case of Assange, is itself an abuse of power.

We can walk and chew gum, opposing both surveillance and sexual violence. Fightback supports exposing mass surveillance, however we argue it is not necessary to give a platform to Julian Assange. These cases need to be distinguished.

Edward Snowden
Snowden is a whistle-blower, known for leaking classified information from the US National Security Agency (NSA). He is sought by the US government for espionage and theft of government property, currently residing in Russia.

For socialists, the real crime is not Snowden’s betrayal of his imperialist masters, but the international system of violence and surveillance he helped expose. Betraying this system is a necessary, even heroic act.

At the ‘Moment of Truth’ event, Snowden revealed that the NSA has bases in Auckland and Northland. Progressives in Aotearoa/NZ welcome Snowden (and journalist Glenn Greenwald) in helping us expose the complicity of our government in imperialist abuses.

Kim Dotcom
Kim Dotcom is a German-Finnish resident of Aotearoa/NZ, the founder of file-sharing business Megaupload. In early 2012, Dotcom was arrested for copyright infringement at the behest of the US government.

Dotcom describes this experience of state repression as a politicising event. In opposition to imperialist agreements, such as the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) and the Five Eyes agreement, Dotcom found unity with social democratic and radical indigenous forces, forging the basis of the Internet Mana electoral alliance.

Dotcom is no angel. He’s a profiteer (although Internet Mana’s policy process has led to Dotcom advocating taxes on the rich), and was accurately described by Internet Party gender spokesperson Pani Farvid as a “product of sexist culture.”

As phrased by Jacobin Magazine’s Gavin Mueller, “it’s so easy to hate Kim Dotcom that you almost forget that the US convinced the New Zealand government to send in an assault brigade, bereft of a valid warrant but outfitted with automatic weapons and helicopters, to arrest a Finnish citizen at the demand of Hollywood studios.”

Progressives in Internet Mana unite with Dotcom around shared demands, particularly opposing corporate copyright laws and transnational state repression.

Julian Assange
Assange is a founding member of Wikileaks, an organisation whose leaking of state secrets have helped in exposing international imperialist abuses. He is also sought for questioning related to charges of sexual violence.

Some accuse the women involved of being CIA ‘honey traps,’ or the authorities of manufacturing charges.

However, the facts of the case are well-established, admitted by Assange’s legal defence. Assange had sex with a woman while she was sleeping, and had sex without a condom when requested to wear a condom. These are violations of consent.

We don’t have to trust the state to believe women’s testimony of being assaulted.

Assange should not be given a platform at progressive events. This discredits the movement against neoliberalism and mass surveillance.

See also

Feed the kids, end the hunger system

Feed the Kids logo

Internet MANA recently released its policy platform for eliminating poverty. Feed The Kids is a key plank. This article by Grant Brookes, originally published by Fightback in March 2013, offers a socialist perspective on feeding the kids and ending the hunger system.

One in five New Zealand children were living in poverty in 2011, says the Ministry of Social Development. Other organisations put the figure at one in four, or 270,000 kids.

The Ministry of Health reports that over 20 percent of households with school-age children do not have enough food.

Over 1.8 million food items were distributed in schools last year by KidsCan – just one of a growing number of charities now feeding hungry kids.

In 2011, KidsCan also launched New Zealand’s first ever aid programme for children living in this country.

In January 2013 the Variety children’s charity became the second aid programme, with a new scheme allowing donors to sponsor a local child for $35 a month.

The facts are stark. The plight of children in Aotearoa today is an indictment of capitalism. The time for government action to “Feed the Kids” is now.

MANA Party leader Hone Harawira has a private member’s bill before parliament to deliver just that.

His Education (Breakfast and Lunch Programmes in Schools) Amendment Bill (or “Feed the Kids Bill”, for short) would ensure government-funded meals are available to every child in decile 1 and 2 schools.

The Bill is being supported by a wide range of groups, from education and health sector unions, to child welfare advocates, Christian social service agencies and the government’s own Children’s Commissioner.

With backing from the Labour Party, the Greens, the Maori Party, NZ First and independent MP Brendan Horan, it is currently just one vote short of the numbers needed for it to pass its first reading in parliament.

Yet MANA’s Feed the Kids Bill also has its critics. Right-wing opponents of the Bill say it’s the job of the parents, not the government, to make sure kids are fed. They say that if the state provides food it lets bad parents off the hook when they spend their money on “booze and smokes” instead.

Some of the harshest critics have been Maori.

Yet in the pre-European Māori world, looking after children wasn’t just the job of the parents. Men and women described each other’s children as “ā mātou tamariki” (the children of us many), as distinct from “ā māua tamariki” (the children of us two).

This shared parenting was based on shared resources. Extended family groups often had their own plot in communal gardens and their own places to fish and hunt. They also laid claim to particular trees.

The idea that the mother and father alone are to blame when children go hungry only came to Aotearoa with the introduction of capitalism.

In a repeat of the “enclosures of the commons” which had dispossessed European peasants, colonisation turned shared Māori land, natural resources and taonga into private property. Ownership was quickly transferred to the Crown, wealthy colonists and corporations.

Responsibility for raising children was transferred in turn to the biological parents, especially the mother, so the rest of the community could be put to work for the Pākehā capitalists.

Today, many of those who blame the parents feel genuine concern for the kids. They may also appear to reflect “common sense” about the way the world works. But ultimately they are echoing the mouthpieces of capitalism.

Prime minister John Key, for instance, responded to a Salvation Army report which showed record demand for food parcels in 2011 by blaming individuals: “Anyone on a benefit actually has a lifestyle choice. If one budgets properly, one can pay one’s bills… Now some make poor choices and they don’t have money left.”

However, the National government is also aware of substantial public support for state-funded meals for all kids in low decile schools.

So late last year they advanced their own counter-proposal. They announced a small increase in funding for businesses to deliver a little more, to a select few, through charities.

“The government has given money to KidsCan to fund more schools, and the government has worked with other commercial entities like Fonterra to run programmes in schools”, John Key said.

Fonterra attracted a lot of publicity for its milk in schools programme, trialled in Northland in 2011 and then rolled out across the country.

But Fonterra CEO Theo Spierings had spelled out the cold, capitalist logic behind the idea. It wasn’t about caring for kids at all:

“I don’t believe in charity”, said Spierings. “This is a business decision – it is really something like advertising and promotion…

New Zealand is the largest exporter of dairy products in the world, but at home, we’re not drinking as much milk as we used to…

Long term we want to have these kids on milk and not on carbonated drinks when they are 20 years old. And when they earn a salary, they go to the supermarket and buy our milk”.

The effect of leaving child welfare to the whims of “business decisions” was felt by the Red Cross in 2011, when Countdown supermarkets withdrew their sponsorship and crippled that organisation’s school breakfast programme.

Fonterra is not alone in its ruthless approach to “advertising and promotion” to children. Sanitarium uses its sponsorship of the KickStart Breakfast programme to teach kids “breakfast patterns that can be replicated in the home” by buying their products.

They also use children to subtly reinforce the message that their “bad parents” are to blame. They tell kids to “appreciate how good they feel and pass this message on hopefully improving their families’ overall health”.

And by refusing to provide breakfasts and lunches on a universal basis to all, the charities favoured by the National government brand the needy kids at school with the stigma of poverty from a young age.

The efforts of all the charities combined, meanwhile, represent a drop in the ocean compared with the level of need. Around 150 schools, and thousands of children, are stuck on the waiting list for help from KidsCan. Many more schools don’t bother applying.

The greatest outrage, however, is that charities are aligning themselves politically with the National government.

KidsCan proclaims a “vision of a New Zealand where less fortunate children have an equal opportunity to make a positive contribution to society”. Yet KidsCan CEO Julie Chapman is publicly campaigning to discredit the idea of government-funded school meals available to all.

“As the Prime Minister said, not all children in low decile schools need a food programme”, she declared. “KidsCan supports the model of business, community and the government working together… as the most effective and financially prudent approach.”

The problem of New Zealand’s hungry children is not down to “bad parents”. As Donna Wynd of the Child Poverty Action Group puts it, “If a few children go hungry in the morning then that suggests a problem within individual families. If hundreds of children go hungry morning after morning then the problem is structural.”

Part of the structural underpinning of hunger is our low wage economy. For it’s not just the children of beneficiaries who are effected. Food banks and budgeting agencies report that the greatest increase in people seeking assistance is coming from working families.

So part of the solution requires stronger unions and more militant bargaining, to raise wages across the board. But there is also the need to struggle for a collective approach which supports parents, children, and those disabled by capitalism.

The clearest commentary on MANA’s Feed the Kids Bill has come from the organisation Auckland Action Against Poverty.

“As the Bill recommends, the provision of this food shouldn’t be left to charity but should be taxpayer funded”, says AAAP spokesperson Sarah Thompson. “This will ensure greater access country-wide and decrease the dependance on the whims and follies of individual charities and businesses…

Every time another charity picks up a ‘feed the kids’ or ‘provide them with shoes’ or other such programme, commendable though it may be from an individual point of view, it is another nail in the coffin of the welfare state…

In addition, in the larger scheme of things, there is an urgent need for decent job creation, a living wage and higher benefit payment rates.”

MANA is pursuing struggles like these in parliament, as well.

The main job now is to get the Feed the Kids Bill passed. But there are also questions for MANA leaders.
Their feedthekids.org.nz website says, “The Bill recognises the importance of charities, businesses, and school volunteers currently involved in food in schools programmes”.

But it’s become clear that these charities and businesses are not wholeheartedly committed to child welfare. As the history of Aotearoa suggests, a society which truly shares the care of children must also share ownership and control of land and resources, taking them back from businesses like Fonterra.

WGTN event: Why socialists participate in elections

dirty politics

Is all politics dirty? Does voting change anything, and is it enough? If socialists view parliament as a part of capitalism, why do we engage in elections?

Monday | September 15th | 6pm | 19 Tory St

[Facebook event]