Queer Politics and the Election: What are “Our” issues?

Action in solidarity with queer worker mistreated by McDonalds during 2013 industrial dispute.

Action in solidarity with queer worker mistreated by McDonalds during 2013 industrial dispute.

By Nic Wood, reprinted from Ours.

I’m queer. My ideas about what it means to be and belong as a queer person have changed a lot since I ‘came out’ in my teenage years. It’s interesting for me to reflect on this in the context of an election, because the notion of ‘belonging’ is intensified and highly visible in lots of ways in the lead–up to voting day.

Belonging is a powerful force. When we belong, we can feel swept up by a kind of euphoria, or simply able to go about life with ease, without having our presence questioned. And when we don’t belong, the consequences are often borne out painfully: as exclusion and discrimination, or even as physical violence.

For queer people—that is, lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans people, intersex people, and the multitude of others whose genders/sexualities appear to be at odds with what’s deemed ‘normal’—belonging holds a particular importance. Our early years are often marked by its absence or denial. This can manifest as the loneliness and fear of being ‘in the closet’, or the extremely noticeable difference of being ‘out’ (sometimes by our own choice, other times unavoidably).

I think it’s this sort of beginning which makes the search for and congregation in ‘community’ by queer people all the stronger. If you’ve ever been to a pride parade you may understand what I mean when I say that belonging can ‘sweep you up’; there’s a swell of emotion that comes from the togetherness at such events. I remember the first time I attended one in Wellington, I felt so at home, unlike I ever had around family and friends who’d not known, or liked, my sexuality. It was at once comforting and exhilarating.

Who gets to feel included in this euphoria, though? Not everyone. One of the things about belonging and inclusion is that to exist for some people, they rely on the exclusion of others. One could argue that it’s belonging which drives a nation to mobilise to vote, and underpins attempts to secure the vote of those who understand themselves as ‘kiwis’.

Belonging, already so important for many queers, is sharply in focus in public discourse at election time. Deciding how to vote, we might look at literal representation: how many ‘out’ queer–identified MPs or candidates are there in each political party? How about how many overtly homophobic and transphobic ones? If we’re concerned with the politics of inclusion—of ensuring that queer people have access to the same conditions as others who are included within the nation—we might consider candidates’ stances on explicitly ‘queer’ policies like marriage and adoption equality, or regulations around service in the military.

But you could say this focus on inclusion in what’s ‘normal’ shores up a narrow idea of what a queer person is. This tends to make the experiences of the very narrow selection of queers who benefit from these measures—generally wealthy, white, and more often than not male—appear as universal for everyone.

The longer I live openly as a queer person and meet others, the more I realise this is not true; the comfort and ‘at home’-ness I felt in my first pride parade was something many of my friends could enjoy in the same way. And the more my understanding of my sexual orientation matures, the more I question whether things like the right to marry would enable me to live freely, or actually restrict what I want to express. In my mind, the politics of representation and inclusion run the risk of erasing the very difference they purport to speak for. Although that difference can bring us much pain and hardship, it also makes us alive.

If we’re to be so wary of all of this, what might ‘our’ important election issues be? It’s hard to say. I do know that far more than we drink fancy cocktails or have lavish gay weddings, queer people—especially youth—are disproportionately affected by poverty. Maybe if we want to vote as queer people we should think about which policies for welfare, housing, access to education and healthcare will benefit those who are currently marginalised, and look into whether there are options which will see organisations who work to support queer and trans youth better supported.

While I’m not sure that voting or parliament hold all of the solutions for the complex structures of social power we need to undo to improve our lives, they do influence how much support organisations like the ones mentioned above get to do so within given frameworks. Perhaps instead of getting caught up in the fantasy of ‘gay rights’ which masks a certain kind of harm and exclusion, we might view voting as a pragmatic way to improve, however incrementally, the material conditions of the many queers who don’t get to be the faces of pride parades.

In 2012, Colin Craig tweeted that “it’s not intelligent to pretend that homosexual relationships are normal”. In the lead–up to the election, bytes like this have been dredged up by commentators; the ridicule of what many understand as laughably outdated homophobia has become a pretty typical part of political debate as voting day approaches.

While it’s important to call out homophobia, the response the statement begs also exemplifies up what I’m so wary about in the crossing-over of possibilities for belonging as queers, and the parliamentary election. In my personal experience voting is just one of many ways to make queer lives more liveable. Above all, we mustn’t settle for ‘normality’ as a goal.

There’s too much lost in that.

Fightback 2014 issue #6 online now

fightback issue 6 cover

This special, expanded election edition of Fightback magazine comes at what seems to be a turning point in the 2014 election. The shockwaves from Dirty Politics, Nicky Hager’s exposé of the possibly corrupt relations between National Party cabinet ministers and the tabloid attack blog “Whale Oil”, are still reverberating. Labour and the left opposition parties want answers; John Key is stonewalling, and even the conservative press seem to realise something has gone wrong.

Daphne Lawless’ contribution discusses this in terms of “anti-politics from above” in New Zealand – a neoliberal-inspired political strategy to use smear and negativity to demoralise activists and deliberately depress voting turnout. Ben Peterson takes on the same issue as an attempted undermining of democracy itself. National lost under Don Brash in 2005 because he allowed the naked, nasty face of neoliberalism to assert itself. The project goes much more smoothly under John Key, the “relaxed” and cheerful frontman, who plays at being an “ordinary bloke” who just happened to make $50 million in currency speculation. Meanwhile, big corporates dictate policy, and cronies and friends like Cameron Slater and Jason Ede play the politics of personal destruction.

Will Hager’s revelation of the naked face of attack politics behind National’s carefully bland façade damage their prospects for a third term? A lot depends on the other conservative parties. Cameron Slater is explicitly quoted in the book as saying that, if MMP stays and the small parties of the Right fall out of Parliament, “National is f**ked”. Byron Clark looks at the centre-right as a whole and examines its prospects.

What is the alternative, though? As Ian Anderson ably explains in his article, Labour offers a kinder, gentler face to the same old management of neo-liberalism. While Labour no longer shuns the Green Party, this can only be because the Greens themselves have moved inside the “big tent” of accepting neoliberal corporate politics – the left wing of the establishment, the party of comfortable but socially conscious small business and successful professionals.

So under what circumstances can a socialist organisation like Fightback – pushing for a fundamental transformation of relations of work, production and power throughout society – support an alliance of the tino rangatiratanga / broad left MANA movement with the upstart Internet Party, founded by a German millionaire with an outlandish personality? Fightback works within MANA because of its commitment to represent te pani me te rawakore [the poor and the dispossessed]. We are able to keep working because it is a democratic party – when the leadership is wrong, it is willing to listen to activists; and because no real change in Aotearoa-New Zealand is possible without the most intimate involvement of the tangata whenua.

But to some degree MANA represents “traditional” constituencies for the radical left. The Internet Party, in contrast, aims at the young and the wired. Although funded by Kim Dotcom, the party is led by activists of the traditional social-democratic Left such as leader Laila Harré, and kept moving by younger activists such as Miriam Pierard, who is interviewed extensively in this issue. While not attracted to a “traditional” socialist programme, these young people – according to Pierard – have a strong belief in civil liberties, social equality, freedom of information and an antipathy to corporate power. Traditional politics has had nothing to say to them until now.

It is precisely the Internet Party and MANA Movement’s constituencies which the strategy of Whale Oil and his co-thinkers want to keep out of politics altogether. They want electoral choice restricted to, at the extreme, the now rather tame Green Party. The Internet-MANA alliance aims at complementary audiences with the same vision seen from two perspectives. With current polls showing five MPs to be elected from this alliance, this is the best chance since the 1990s for those excluded from the “rock-star” neoliberal economy to vote for an alternative. Fightback encourages all readers to take that chance.

Fightback 2014 Issue #6

Fightback opposes platform for Julian Assange

Fightback supports Internet MANA as an alliance between radical indigenous and progressive tau iwi forces, challenging the neoliberal consensus.

Party founder Kim Dotcom recently hinted that Julian Assange may be speaking at an upcoming Internet Party event on September 15th. Assange is sought for questioning for rape.

Providing a platform for Assange, and other men with a misogynist history, discredits the movement against transnational exploitation and repression (as represented by the TPPA, Five Eyes, and the GCSB in Aotearoa/NZ). Only a movement which opposes gendered violence can unite the oppressed to fight for self-determination.

Fightback opposes any platform for Julian Assange.

See also:

The politics, not the dirt is the problem.

Annette Sykes, MANA Waiariki/list candidate, bones up on Nicky Hager's election-season bestseller.

Annette Sykes, MANA Waiariki/list candidate, bones up on Nicky Hager’s election-season bestseller.

By Ben Peterson (Fightback Ōtautahi/Christchurch)

Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics just blew up the election. The material comes largely from Cameron Slater’s leaked emails, but it covers much more than his personal activity. It outlines the activities of central National Party figures, up to and including Prime Minister John Key himself.

But the real importance of the book is not revealing the dirty tactics that John Key and company will resort to. More importantly, it outlines the anti-democratic and big money interests that drive the National Party. It is not that just these are sleazy politicians. These people (John Key, Judith ‘Crusher’ Collins and more) use attack politics to hide their real agendas.

Dirty Politics is significant because it outlines the political project that the National Party believes in, but only talks about behind closed doors. John Key and the National Party have cultivated an image of themselves as the responsible moderates. The reality is that he leads a highly ideological government that is committed to furthering business interests. Part of this crusade is actively supporting the Whale Oil blog and its politics.

The politics of Whale Oil
Dirty Politics shows that members of members of Key’s staff have actively assisted Slater and Whale Oil. Key himself has admitted to being in regular personal contact with Slater. Key may claim a degree of separation from Whale Oil, but this is disingenuous. John Key is many things but he is not stupid. Key and his staff know full well what Whale Oil stands for, but have maintained links with the blog.

Hager’s book outlines the political project of Whale Oil. The Whale Oilers actively and consciously seek to undermine democracy. Slater and his mates led the campaign against MMP (proportional representation) to try and limit space in electoral politics for progressive voices. The leaked emails show the group has actively sought to create an atmosphere that discourages people from voting. If candidates that aren’t to their liking do win an election, the Whale Oil crew will attempt to blackmail or publicly shame them into resignation.

Slater and Whale Oil seek to undermine democracy so they can magnify the voices of the big businesses that bankroll their activities. Companies that pay for Slater to ‘consult’ for them get the use of his blog and also his contacts in government. Not content with undermining the democratic process and giving voice to corporations, Whale Oil is also an enthusiastic participant in attempts to ‘smash’ unions. Unions are an important institution for working people to express their interests. Working people don’t have thousands of dollars each month to sponsor their own attack blogger.

The happy marriage of John and Cam
Whale Oil and John Key’s office work together hand in glove. Whale Oil runs campaigns that National supports, but can’t be seen to do for fear of a backlash. This degree of separation has meant that John Key has been able to viciously attack his enemies and facilitate corporate interests, while maintaining a cleaner image.

John Key presents himself as a reasonable moderate, who is popular with regular people and share their interests. This is a deliberate untruth.

This National government wants to increase the power of corporate interests and undermine the position of everyone else. However, they recognise that the policies they want to implement (like further asset sales or cutbacks to health and education) are deeply unpopular. They are constrained by the potential democratic power of the public.

Thus, to implement their policies, this potential democratic power must be marginalised and silenced. Participation in elections must be undermined. MMP, which creates space for alternatives to be articulated, should be attacked where possible. Any political opponents, whether it be Len Brown, Kim Dotcom or the unions, must be destroyed. All real or potential alternatives to the neoliberal agenda must be neutralised.

The reality of this agenda is important to recognise because it also shows us how these politics can be beaten.

How to beat them
These right-wing policies are deeply unpopular – John Key knows that. That’s why he is desperate to be seen as a nice guy who likes the rugby and avoids debate. National fears a backlash if their true agenda is understood. Dirty Politics exposes that agenda.

Hager finishes the book by calling for more resources and greater ethics for journalism. This would be an important improvement for public debate, but journalism is not what scares John Key or the right-wing bloggers.

They’re terrified of democracy.

Dirty Politics shows how National have actively tried to eliminate any potential alternatives to their political project. The election on September 20 will be an important opportunity to demonstrate how they have failed to do so. In particular, they are terrified of the MANA Movement and the Internet Party and the alternative they represent.

These attacks on democracy will not end with Key out of office. Democracy can only function for ordinary people when ordinary people are actively involved. New political movements, independent media and resurgent unions are necessary to provide a counter voice to the corporate interests and their seat warmers, online and in government..

Unite against poverty wages and zero-hour contracts: An interview with Heleyni Pratley

Heleyni in NY

Heleyni Pratley is an organiser for Unite Union and a member of Fightback (Aotearoa/NZ).

In May, Heleyni attended the first global conference on fast food organising. Fightback writer Ian Anderson interviewed her.

FB: Can you tell us about Unite Union and how you first got involved?

HP: Sure, so I got involved with Unite Union because I was in the Workers Party [a predecessor of Fightback], a socialist group active on campus.

At the time I was active in the Students Association, and was also working many casualised jobs. So Unite was interesting, they’d just gotten rid of youth rates and had contracts with all the major fast food companies.

Unite focuses on organising young casualised workers. The traditional union movement saw these workers, especially in fast food, as being un-organisable. But Unite proved everybody wrong… It does involve constant recruitment because the turnover’s so high.

The workers that Unite organises are mainly in fast food and cinemas. Cinema workers and fast food workers are completely casualised, the only people who technically have full-time hours are the restaurant managers. They’ll often have large workforces; McDonald’s recommends that any store should have 70 employees at any one time. The model is Taylorism, basically keep everyone on their toes, worried that they could lose their job or hours at any time; hours are used as punishment.

So Unite has unionised workers in those sectors and won collective agreements through struggle.

FB: Can you tell me about the recent fast food workers’ conference in New York?

HP: Sure, so the conference that I attended involved delegations of fast food workers and unionists from 26 countries all over the world.

We heard about struggles happening for example in Thailand, where workers are actually offered large sums of money to not join the union. For some of the workers it was actually very risky to attend the conference.

It was organised by the International Labour Organisation. It was the first ever global conference on fast food organising.

FB: Why was it important for Unite to send a delegation?

HP: Unite has been at the global forefront of this organising.

The way that McDonalds operates, and other fast food chains like KFC, is the same globally. While that’s a strength in terms of their business model and global exploitation, it’s a weakness in terms of us relaying what we’ve learnt, so other workers and other unions can draw from those lessons in fighting these companies.

FB: What was your main takeaway from the conference discussion?

HP: What I learnt was, we’re in New York – it’s the heart of the beast, the heart of the empire – and the problems are the same.

The workers are paying workers in the US, like everywhere else, the minimum they can get away with. Workers at McDonald’s in the US are actually on food stamps, even though they’re employed, so similar to New Zealand where we have employed people on Accommodation Supplements.

So the similarities were more than what I thought they would be initially, and I think that now more than ever, global workers’ solidarity is important.

FB: What was your understanding of the fast food workers’ campaign in the US?

HP: The Fast Food Forward campaign in the US seems to have come out of the Occupy movement, which is a really positive aspect.

A lot of people have said that Occupy failed, but I disagree with that because Occupy was successful at raising consciousness, and it’s been heartening to see that’s fed into more concrete, long-term ways of engaging in struggle. That fightback is really needed in the US. McDonald’s workers are on $7.25, and that’s the non-tipped minimum wage, so if you’re on a tipped minimum wage it’s actually from $2.15 upwards.

So my understanding of the fast food campaign in the US is that it’s come out of Occupy, it’s community-led, and unions are also playing a role. I think that community involvement is where the campaign’s success lies. That’s what we’ve seen in Unite as well, that you have to have the wider community involved.

FB: What actions were you involved with?

HP: I participated in the delivery of a letter to McDonald’s, to explain that there would be global actions, on the 15th of May, including workers’ going on strike. There was a press conference in New York where workers from all over the world spoke, and then we delivered the letter.

Of course we weren’t allowed into the restaurant, you know there was a little bit of pushing and shoving. In the end the letter was pinned to the wall.

I also went to Boston and helped a community group, who were getting workers at a restaurant prepared to take a strike action on the 15th, and what I saw from these workers was a real desperation. In a lot of worksites there’s fear around taking strike action, and we see that definitely in New Zealand too.

But in the US, as soon as we said that in New Zealand the minimum wage is $14.25, you could see how people were hopeful – and pissed off!

FB: What are some of the differences and similarities internationally?

HP: In fast food, there are more similarities than differences. So workers are treated exactly the same way. Hours are used as punishment. Hours aren’t guaranteed. Everyone at McDonald’s is on minimum wage, everyone is completely casualised.

Which means things that have worked for Unite in NZ, will work at other restaurants around the world, and I’m sure that we can learn a lot from what they’re doing.

The left has clearly been smashed in the US, just as it has been in NZ. The left is weak, and this is reflected in the trade union movement. So we need to be thinking seriously about rebuilding, and how we rebuild.

But similarly there is strength in a conviction, and a desire, to change our situation, to make sure McJobs are not our future. There seems to be an understanding that if we don’t stand up, things will get worse.

So I think complacency is changing. In the ‘90s and early 2000s there was a certain sense that there’s nothing we can do about neoliberalism, but things like Occupy show a global shift.

We see Russell Brand talking about revolution, and whatever you think of Russell Brand, these things are now in the popular discourse.

FB: Now that the struggle against casualization is getting globally organised, what do you think the next steps are?

HP: We established links, which is fantastic, we need to build on those and maintain those.

For example, I met people who are organising the factories where McDonald’s burgers are made. That is just awesome. I think any Marxist is like, that is the point of production! I don’t want to fetishise that too much, but I think these global networks need to increase. It’s inspirational because it’s another way for us to realise our power as workers.

And our power is by coming together and taking action, so coming together globally is something workers can feed off, I don’t think that can be underestimated.

FB: What are the next steps locally, for Unite?

HP: Unite is committed currently to changing the government, so we’re running the Get Out The Vote Campaign. After that we’re looking into launching a campaign against Zero Hour contracts.