Socialist Feminism 101

socialist feminist day school
A Socialist Feminist 101 talk given by Kassie Hartendorp, Member of Fightback (Te Whanganui-a-Tara) on International Women’s Day, March 8th, 2014.

This talk was originally given as the first part of a Socialist Feminist Day School held by Fightback in Wellington/Te Whanganui-a-Tara at 19 Tory Street. This was followed by poet & academic Teresia Teaiwa speaking on Gender and Colonisation, Fightback member Ian Anderson speaking on Fighting Rape Culture, and a concluding discussion on Where Next for Socialist Feminists by Kassie Hartendorp.

The day began with everyone discussing what they thought of socialism and feminism as concepts, and whether they identified as socialists or feminists. This talk followed:

Often we can’t use the term socialism, without explaining the term capitalism. Capitalism is generally understood as a system that is based on the growth of private profit. Under capitalism, the means of creating goods and services are owned by a small minority of people, and sold to make a profit. In simplistic terms, those who does not own a business or company must work for someone else to earn money in order to live. We find ourselves needing to work long hours in jobs we often don’t really like, to pay for food, rent, bills, the list goes on. For those who aren’t able to work, due to sickness, disability or a lack of jobs, we rely on a substandard allowance from the government, known as the benefit, social welfare, the dole. Even if we can’t work, cannot find work, or don’t want to work, there is a constant pressure to be in paid work, whether socially or to make ends meet.

The logic of capitalism, is to make a profit, its to continue reproducing capital. We can see how this works at a very basic level. Say you make shoes for a living. Everyday, you go to the local factory and make designer Crocs. It’s a hard life cause everyone hates what you do, yet you know there’s a core group of gardeners and chefs in the world who probably have a lot of respect for your work.

humble croc

Now in one hour, you can make 20 pairs of crocs and get the minimum wage of $14.25 an hour. It’s not much, but you have a passion, right? Each Croc you put into the world costs about say, $10 to make including the use of equipment and shipping, and costs $40 down at the Warehouse or wherever. So in one hour, you’ve technically created $600 worth of Croc profit in your 20 shoes. If every one of those shoes were bought (heaven forbid), your factory owner might have earned a few hundred dollars. But what you’ve taken home is $14.25.

The gap between the costs spent and the price it has been sold for, is known as ‘surplus value.’ It’s the value that you have created, but the profit from it goes to a boss, or owner of a company, rather than back to those who have spent the time in the factory, doing the work. Socialists argue that this makes capitalism an exploitative system, as it is making profit for private owners (known as the capitalist class) from the workers, or the working class.

It’s worth spending some time thinking about the jobs you have worked, what wealth has been created, and how much of that wealth you really see in your pay cheque at the end of the week. Other jobs are more obscure, such as service, community and public sector work and some work for themselves rather than big companies, but the logic of capitalism still rules everything around us.

Capitalism isn’t just about the world of economics, but should be seen as a social relation.The ability to accumulate vast amounts of wealth off the majority of people for private profit, has led to great social inequality. The gap between the rich and the poor grows ever wider, and this can be noted here in Aotearoa with one in four children living below the poverty line, but also internationally with the rise of wealthy nations over super exploited countries. When the capitalist class needs more capital, it simply keeps moving on to nations that it can exploit even more. This process is seen as imperialism, and still continues today in the search for cheaper workers, to pump up profits. The logic of capitalism, and white capitalism says that any place in the world is there to colonise, regardless of the nations, cultures and communities that already inhabit those countries.

Capitalism also affects how we see and understand each other, as well as how we see and understand ourselves. It relies on a mass amount of workers who need to sell their labour, their time, yet makes sure the job market is always tight, which increases competition. People who have low wages and poor conditions are less likely to speak up about their workplace if there are no other jobs to go to. The capitalist class has a lot to benefit from us remaining silent and divided as workers, as students, as migrants, as beneficiaries and blaming each other rather than looking at the roots of the cause.

While oppression such as racism and sexism have existed in class society before Western capitalism, as we know it now, our current system has shaped it into new forms, deepening social divisions and allowing for power structures to remain in place that fail people of colour, women, older people, LGBTIQ folk, those with disabilities, as well as in general, the sick, the poor and people with mental health experiences. The only people that capitalism really benefits are the elite 1% who are able to access and be in control of vast amounts of capital.

A system that is built on selling things, constantly, hugely informs the way we live, and the things we prioritise. We end up relying on public funds from our taxes to take care of basic social welfare and support as well as building infrastructure, law and policy and deciding on national goals. But we ourselves have very little input into what is done with the money, and it’s pretty normal for politicians to lie and go back on promises.

As well as this, research funds are usually only available in areas where there can be a viable market. The media is owned by gatekeepers that often reinforce and perpetuate myths and negative stereotypes. The revitalisation of trampled or colonised cultures and language is less of a priority, yet those cultures are fine to be turned into a commodity if a Government decides that it can be used to base a tourist campaign on, for example.

At a basic level, how do we negotiate our own sense of self when we don’t have the resources to be able to do this, and there are industries based on making money from our ‘self-improvement.’ Would the cosmetics or diet industry still be making massive profits every year if we were told from birth that how we looked was actually pretty great, and we don’t need to rely on purchasing items that would gain us the social status we need to excel in a competitive environment?

Phew, it all looks pretty fucked, right? At its core, capitalism’s priorities are to create more capital, free up markets, and allow for more wealth to be able to flow into private hands. But this creation of wealth is based on exploitation.

Socialism however, is a system based on fulfilling human need. It is a system where individuals and communities have the means to really be able to control their own lives. And not in a way that is based on individual freedom like ideas put forward by libertarians, but collective freedom that works in the interest of the majority.

Socialism means putting the control of the means of production, our factories, our workplaces back into the workers’ hands through the process of socialisation. The wealth that is created goes back to the workers and to society, rather than all of the surplus value going straight into the owner’s pockets or offshore bank accounts. The power to decide how the wealth is distributed would lie in the hands of workers and communities, and would be planned on a national basis, and coordinated internationally. In a system that is based on human need, and has control of the wealth and resources, we can begin to seriously address issues such as poverty, unemployment, homelessness and social inequality.

Socialists believe that it’s not possible to just tinker with and improve capitalism, but there needs to be a complete transformation of our economic, political and social system through a social revolution. There is no exact plan or script for how a revolution would take place or what a socialist world would look like, as it would depend largely on the people, communities and societies creating it.

But there would be basic priorities under socialism, such as establishing a more democratic decision making structure involving the voices of workers and communities. For example, after the Cuban revolution , they established people’s committees, trade unions, women’s and student organisations to help govern the country. Workplaces put together proposals on national plans and had a say in their own laws or policies affecting them. Education and healthcare were made completely free and available to everyone. The future of Cuba was put in the hands of the people.

While profit is the main motive as it is now, we create waste. We waste time making products or creating services that aim to make money rather than working for a real social need. Imagine how many less products we would need, if everything was made to last as long as it said it would on an informercial? If big companies weren’t relying on us to buy the new edition of the new thing every few months? If we planned our market and our economy wisely, rather than just leaving it to creepy, invisible hands?

Socialism would create the conditions where we could begin to use that spare time and wealth to address issues such as poverty, meaning more people would be able to survive and have meaningful, and enjoyable lives. It’s about imagining what we would have the time and resources to create when we don’t need to work 40+ hours a week making money for someone else. More people would be able to focus on activities and areas that don’t create wealth, such as arts, literature, music, research and working on projects that genuinely benefit people and the environment around us.

I will note here that Marxists see socialism as the transitional period in attempting to construct communism. Communism, while having a pretty bad rep, is understood by Marxists as the aim of a classless and stateless society, operating on the principles of ‘from each according to ability, to each according to need.’ Under communism, the need for a government wilts away as people govern themselves through more effective mechanisms. Some people use the terms socialism and communism interchangeably, as both refer to a process of collective ownership.

Now feminism is not, in essence, mutually exclusive to the ideas of socialism. A feminist is generally understood as someone who recognises that women face oppression based on their status as a woman, and works to fight against this.Feminists use the term patriarchy, which often refers to the overarching system and social mechanisms which allow for the dominance of men over women. From a socialist feminist perspective, Heidi Hartmann has defined patriarchy as men’s control over women’s labour (which is largely unpaid, such as housework, childcare and so on), and is maintained through the sexual control of women’s bodies.

Intersectional feminism acknowledges that people can experience oppression on many levels, and how these oppressions interact. For example, how a white, ablebodied cis woman’s experiences of sexism may differ to how an older queer woman of colour, or transwoman with a physical disability experiences sexism, and what that means in terms of how we orientate and organise against oppression. Sharon Smith claims that the first real talk of intersectionality was by Sojourner Truth in 1851 with her speech, Ain’t I A Woman, which refuted the claim that all women’s experience of sexism was the same, particularly when it came to the oppression of black women.

Kimblere Crenshaw writes in her key piece on intersectionality, Mapping the Margins , that when one discourse fails to acknowledge the significance of the other, the power relations that each attempt to challenge are strengthened. Here she is talking specifically about anti-racist and feminist ideas, but it can be related to many other discourses, and i think is true when it comes to sociaism and feminism,

Why socialists need feminism
There is a rich history of socialists and feminists bringing their ideas together, either by working as socialist feminists which is known as a strand of political thought in itself, or working in joint campaigns and actions.

Engels theorised extensively on women’s oppression, linking it up with the rise of class society and the nuclear family as an individual unit, that relies on monogamy and the passing down of land and property through the males of the family. He discussed issues such as sexual and domestic violence and how they were built into this conception of the family. Around the same time, German thinkers such as Clara Zetkin and August Bebel were writing about women’s oppression and its relationship with capitalism. Their work is still very relevant today.

Inessa Armand, the first leader of the women’s department of the 1917 Russian Revolution, once said “If women’s liberation is unthinkable without communism, then communism is unthinkable without women’s liberation.”

The Third International, an organisation of communists initiated in 1919 recognised the importance of struggles by women around every question ranging from the right to divorce, to equal pay, to abortion, to communal kitchens and laundry services socialising domestic labour. They made it mandatory that every section of the International develop a program of demands and an orientation toward winning the leadership of mass struggles by working women, and integrated this into their work towards the struggle for power.

The October Revolution in Russia made the conditions to be able to drastically change the social situation, not just on an economic basis. Under Lenin’s rule, free abortion was available on demand; homosexuality was decriminalised, dining halls, laundries and day-care centers were established, and the new regime sought to ensure equality of economic opportunity in the civil service, in industry, in the party and in the armed forces. A lot of these changes were far ahead of the ‘advanced’ capitalist countries at the time, and many still to this day, despite Stalin going on to change many of these laws back.

Socialism is about the liberation of all humankind, and has recognised the particular ways that capitalism oppresses women. However, I’m not claiming that socialism has always been perfect in terms of their theory and practice. Founding Marxist texts are still a product of their time, and have used antiquated terms and sometimes backwards ideas around sex, gender, race and ethnicity. There has been a lot of critique of ‘bourgeois feminism’ which has often led to the dismissal of key feminist ideas, or relegating racism and sexism as secondary to the class struggle. Many Western socialist groups have remained dominated by white, straight men and perpetuated the same power structures that we aim to fight against. Some have directly perpetrated sexual violence against women and worked with others to cover this up and shut down debate.

Socialism needs feminism, and an intersectional feminism at that, because any way that we theorise or organise, needs to be based on the liberation of all, not just through a narrow lens, that keeps on producing damaging power structures. One socialist feminist writer says that while Marx didn’t write about intersectionality as we know it today, he did speak in similar terms when saying: “But the human essence is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. In its reality it is the ensemble of the social relations.” Marxism and feminism have not always been mutually exclusive ideologies, and key feminist ideas have in fact been discussed and developed by Marxists over the centuries.

Marxism and socialism need to remain living, moving and evolving ideas. They need to take the lead from the input of all women, of all people, to be able to determine priorities, tactics and strategies forward. This means, as Teresia [Teaiwa, speaker at event] actually put it in a conversation last week, that we need to be having conversations and bouncing ideas off each other in order to illuminate the blind spots of our ideas or practices.

Why feminists need socialism
Feminists also need socialism because the liberation of women is so deeply intertwined with the struggle against capitalism. According to UN gender reports women perform 66% of the world’s work, produce 50% of its food and earn only 10% of its income. They own just 1 percent of the world’s property. Modern capitalism has shaped, defined and strengthened women’s oppression. It has relied on the domestic labour of women, having children, bringing them up, taking care of the household and looking after the sick and elderly, who often have the double burden of this unpaid work, as well as holding up paid jobs at the same time. The social inequality and poverty often hits women the hardest, particularly in over-exploited countries.

Popular feminist theory such as intersectionality theory provides a nuanced framework that describes different experiences of oppression and how they overlap and conflict. But depending on how you use it, it doesn’t explain how this occurs or provide us with the means to fight this oppression. Class isn’t just another form of oppression, (such as when people use the term classism) but the underlying way our society is organised and exploited. Class analysis begins to give us the tools to be able to affect change. It’s not about leaving behind our feminist demands, but grounding them in ideas that acknowledge how capitalism works against women, and that we can fight oppression and exploitation at the same time. We have seen that we can make small changes to the current system that may allow for wealthy, white, straight women to access power, resources and better lives but there will always be people being left behind while capitalism remains.

Back on intersectionality theory, I think the way it is often used, begins from the premise of the individual, and can end with individual answers or action. We can very easily fragment into our own specific oppressions, and for very good reason. Time needs to be spent on addressing the intersections of oppression, queer women of colour need to come together, same as transwomen with experiences of disability, as examples. But the answers can’t always end up fragmented and individualised. It’s ineffective, and actually, it just contributes to us personally bearing the weight of systemic oppression. Socialism is based on collective struggle. It acknowledges that the problems are structural and collective, and that the answers are structural and collective. As a mini example, when I agreed to do this talk, I mentioned that as a woman, I often feel like I have to hold a room, to pay attention to peoples’ feelings, to mediate and respond and so on. I feel the pressure to accommodate people, make them welcome, look after them, make sure they’re fed and happy. I believe this is something I have been taught from a young age, and that I feel as a social pressure. So I asked that the dudes in the group take the responsibility of preparing and sharing the food, and checking in on people, so that I could focus on the work of delivering political content. I believe this is one way of how an intersectional group can work collectively. Acknowledging the way women may be socialised to act or think, the way this can oppress women or create gendered work divides, then coming together to work out a solution which at the end of the day, has created an event focused on women’s oppression, but not leaving all the responsibility up to women, who then feel too tired and drained to hold the next meeting.

A class analysis or socialist perspective is not just about theory. It provides extra tools to be able to make change. Socialists recognise the power that the working class holds – yes, the bosses may hold the authority, but the workers hold the real power. When we choose to stop working as a group, as a workplace, as an industry, or better yet, as an entire section of society – we are able to wield our power and hit the owners of the production, where it hurts the most. We are able to make real gains, and with enough buy in and momentum, we can make decisive action that echoes across society. Imagine if we had an intersectional union movement, that was mobilised to wield that power in solidarity with oppressed groups at any point. We need to be applying our feminist frameworks to our modes of dissent and action, but as feminists we also need to be thinking collectively. Where can we work together, and build alliances? What women are we directly benefiting when we prioritise struggles? What power can we tap into, to allow for the greater liberation of all?

The 2014 elections and the future of Mana

Mana movementThe following is excerpted from a document called ‘Socialist Perspectives for New Zealand’ that was co-written for CWI Aotearoa/NZ. Fightback also supports MANA, but opposes any entry into a capitalist coalition government.

The Mana Movement provides an important opportunity for reframing a pro-worker and pro-Maori political agenda. Mana was formed in 2011 as a Maori radical and leftist split from the Maori Party, led by MP Hone Harawira. The split finally took place after the Maori Party, in government with the ruling National Party, supported an increase of the general services taxes which disproportionately impacts on workers and the poor.

Since then the Maori Party has shifted to the right and in many respects has become a circus. Most of the media attention about the Maori Party has been about its leadership disputes. Meanwhile Mana has had a consistent and strong presence on issues such as child poverty (with actions and events around Harawira’s Feed the Kids Bill), asset sales and housing. Mana has been very visible in key industrial disputes, particularly in the meat industry disputes.

Harawira has said “Mana is what the Maori Party was supposed to be – the independent voice for Maori, the fighter for te pani me te rawakore (the poor and the dispossessed).” Mana plays a good role in local communities and in parliament. The development of the Mana Party can be seen as an important step in the process of building a mass working class party in the future.

At the moment Mana has democratic space for socialist participation and while its leadership is not socialist it is comprised of many respected class fighters. Its base is almost exclusively working class and there is scope for socialist ideas to take root both inside and outside the party.

Hone Harawira has won the last two elections for the Te Tai Tokerau seat for Mana. It will be important to put other people alongside him in the next parliament as well as developing the party’s structures and its ability to intervene in struggles. Mana came close to winning Waiariki in the 2011 general elections. Its candidate also made a strong showing in the Ikaroa-Rawhiti by-election in mid-2013, gaining 26% of the vote. They lost out to Labour but beat the Maori Party.

As the Maori Party diminishes and Mana develops there is a possibility of Mana establishing a base real base across four North Island Maori electorates of Te Tai Tokerau, Tamaki-Makaurau, Waiariki, and Ikaroa-Rawhiti. Work in these areas will be become increasingly important in the coming period.

However, the key issue in the long-term for Mana is two-fold. Firstly, it needs to maintain itself as a party of struggle over the long term and not succumb to an electoral focus. The maintenance of a struggle-based approach is always a question for any organisation of the oppressed. It is a question which has to be taken seriously and consciously. Secondly, it needs to be clear that it will not enter capitalist government coalitions.
It is possible that an opportunity arises for Mana to participate in a Labour and Green led government after the next election. The character of this government would be pro-capitalist from the outset. Neither of those two parties have an economic or political alternative to capitalism. While their style may differ to National they too will be forced to adhere to the demands of big business and the finance markets. At the end of the day they will also implement policies that make working people pay the price for the crisis.

In our view if Mana entered into government with those parties it would become trapped or absorbed into a regime that fundamentally represents the interests of the ruling class. They would be forced to vote for budgets that include cuts and other attacks against the people they are supposed to represent. As was seen with the Alliance a decade ago wrong decisions in regards to coalitions with capitalist parties can destroy small fledging parties.

Some prominent left populists within or aligned with Mana, who do have some influence, are aggressively pushing for a Labour-Greens-Mana government. Some people in other socialist groups who also participate in Mana have similarly encouraged this position by creating illusions in Labour.

In our view it would be a mistake and a distraction from the work of building movements from below for Mana to participate in a capitalist government. Real support and growth will not be built from inside parliament house but from leading campaigns. If Mana avoids entering the traps of government or supporting supply agreements then it is possible that it can play an important role in pushing back assaults on our rights and living standards.

Socialists must warn that Mana is facing the possibility of a real turning point and decisions in 2014 can be key to the party’s future.

Anti-racists outnumber white supremacists in CHCH

racism rally

Over a hundred anti-racism protestors clashed with white supremacists led by Kyle Chapman in Christchurch today.

Despite an attempt at tricking the count-protesters by changing at two hours’ notice the advertised location of the white-pride rally from New Brighton to Cathedral Square, over a hundred counter-protestors surrounded and outnumbered the 50 or so white supremacists, who were quickly drowned out by the chants of the anti-racism protestors, a number of whom had come from Dunedin, Wellington and Auckland to show solidarity with Christchurch anti-racist activists.

Counter-demonstrators chanted “immigrants are welcome here, racists are not.”

“The fact the racists need to hide their rally is a victory for us, and that they were stopped from preaching their hate” says Fightback member Ben Peterson.

Eventually the police had to escort the outnumbered white supremacists out of the square for their own safety.

“Obviously racism still exists, so it’s good that we stood up and shut them down today, however by chasing the white supremacists out of town doesn’t end racism, it’s much deeper than that in our society, we need to keep fighting to root it out,” says Fightback member Wei Sun.

Over the course of the rally, organisers held a collection to raise money for the Refugee Council of Canterbury.

See also

Revolution vs counter-revolution: Can the people on the streets be wrong?

Right-wing protest in Venezuela

Venezuela: Right-wing protest action

By Daphne Lawless (Fightback, Auckland).

In the words of British journalist Paul Mason, it seems that “it’s all kicking off everywhere”. Across the world, sustained mass protests and occupations of public space are shaking and even toppling governments. Most famously, months of protests and occupations of the public square in Kiev, capital of Ukraine, forced President Viktor Yanukovych to resign and flee the country. Surely “the people” rising up against the government is a good thing… right? Like the Occupy protests of a couple of years ago?

Actually, from a socialist point of view, there’s a universe of difference between the protests and uprisings which we’ve all heard about on the news – Ukraine, Egypt, Venezuela, Bosnia, Thailand and others. It’s never as simple as “the people” versus “the government”.

Class versus class

Populism is a term used to describe political action taken in the name of “the people” – vaguely defined as anyone who’s not in power at the moment. The thing is, “the people” don’t have many things in common with each other, except for not liking whoever’s in power right now. It includes the upper-middle class as well as the very poor, people with racist and sexist beliefs as well as women and ethnic minorities, homophobes as well as queers.

This becomes a problem since the issue with protests and uprisings is not so much getting rid of the current government, but what you’re going to replace it with. And that question is based on which social force – or class – is most powerful when the old government collapses.

Marxists uses “class” to mean a set of people who have a certain function in the economy, and thus have the same interests in how the economy is run, who gets how much to do what, and who owns things. While there are many different classes in a modern economy, the two most vital are the capitalist class – those who own big corporations and farms and employ people – and the working class – who can only live by getting a job from the capitalist class. Generally, the other classes line up with the capitalist class, except in times of crisis.

Crucially, while individual capitalists have big power on their own – for example, a supermarket owner might be able to lock out dozens of staff and put them at threat of poverty – workers only have power when they band together, in trade unions, their own political parties, and other forms of co-operation.

So the question that you have to look at with a popular uprising is – which class does it represent? This means: what kind of people are actually on the street, protesting? What class do the spokespeople and the policy-makers of the movement come from? And what power – apart from the power of physical bodies in space – does that class have to get its own way?

Venezuela: the privileged protesters

For example, people who have a shallow view of politics look at mass anti-government protests in the Ukraine and in Venezuela, and think they’re the same thing. Nothing could be further from the truth. The problem in Venezuela is that the United Socialist Party (PSUV) government has brought in more and more democracy and “people power” – and the capitalist and upper-middle classes in Venezuela don’t like this.

Since 1998, socialist Presidents in Venezuela have been diverting more and more of the country’s oil wealth away from the traditional ruling classes to the millions of impoverished who live in the barrios (slums) of the big cities. There’s already been one successful coup by the right wing in Venezuela – which was reversed when the people from the barrios moved into action to demand their elected President back.

The current set of protests in Venezuela broke out in opposition to a rape on a university campus in the city of Tachida. Unfortunately, students at the private universities in Venezuela are extremely right-wing and anti-government. So what could have been a supportable protest was quickly taken over by an agenda to overthrow the democratically elected President, Nicolas Maduro.

The funny thing is that the people in the barrios are barely aware that any of these “mass protests” are going on. The ruling classes in Venezuela are not only traditionally lighter-skinned, but tend to speak good English, have media skills and know how to operate Facebook and Twitter. So they’re very good at making white people in the rich countries think they’re seeing a real mass uprising.

But the crowds we see in the streets are overwhelmingly made up of rich, privileged people, and leaders of far-right parties, who shout about inflation and violent crime (admittedly serious problem) but are really outraged that they don’t “own” the country any more. There is massive disruption and damage in rich places like the eastern suburbs of Caracas. If you go to the barrios of west Caracas, on the other hand, they hardly even know that anything’s going on.

Democrats against democracy

Socialists don’t necessarily define democracy as “one person, one vote”. Democracy for socialists means political power in the hands of the broad masses, not in the hands of the people who own businesses, land and media outlets. So, no matter whether free speech or free elections exist in a country, if inequality means that the wishes of a billionaire or the prejudices of a TV network outweigh the wishes of a million working people, that’s not democracy.

The classic example of this in English speaking countries is the American “Tea Party”. This “astroturf” (fake grassroots) movement was originally funded by right-wing millionaires to provide an appearance of a “mass uprising” against the very weak healthcare reforms of Barack Obama, and swing public opinion away from them. Tapping into the deep racism in the South and other parts of the USA, the Tea Party has brought thousands of older, white Americans onto the streets to scream about the “fascist”, “socialist” or even “Satanic” agenda of the centre-right Obama administration. It’s so successful that it’s become a real mass movement among the traditional middle classes of the white USA, and is threatening to take control of the Republican party itself.

Things get even wilder when you look at the “yellow shirt” movement in Thailand, which has recently forced their government to call a snap election. The Yellow Shirts’ official name is the People’s Alliance for Democracy. But they don’t even want right-wing capitalist democracy. What they want is an unelected council of business people and academics to take over, because they don’t think the Thai masses can be trusted with power – since they keep electing the populist party of exiled millionaire Thaksin Shinawatra, whose current leader and Prime Minister is his sister Yingluck.

In Egypt, a real mass uprising of the urban and rural middle and lower classes drove out the dictatorship of Hosni Mubarak in February 2011. But the liberal middle classes were disgusted when Mohammed Morsi – the candidate aligned to the Ikhwan (Muslim Brotherhood), supported by the rural poor – won the following election. Screaming about “dictatorship”, they appealed to Western Islamophobia by smearing the moderately Islamist Ikhwan as terrorists.

The middle classes in Cairo – again, the people who spoke English or French and had good media skills – took to the streets as the Tamarod (Rebellion) movement. This movement managed to paralyse the country until the military staged a coup in June 2013, arrested President Morsi and took power themselves. Sadly, many socialists and democrats – even in Egypt – supported the coup because they didn’t approve of Morsi’s conservative programme. Now they seem increasingly likely to be stuck with military strongman General Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi as the leader of a dictatorship which stays friendly with Israel and the West. Meet the new Mubarak, same as the old one.

When it comes to right-wing movements based on the capitalist class and the upper-middle classes, when they say “democracy” they mean the opposite. They want their own class to have all the power, and for rights and economic privileges to be taken away from the mass of people. These kinds of movement often end up supporting pro-market dictatorships like that of Pinochet in Chile – or worse, fascist or Nazi regimes.

Pretend populists

It is so important for us to tell the difference between a revolution – a mass uprising seeking more democracy – and a counter-revolution – which can also be a mass uprising, but is in support of putting an old régime back in power, or taking power away from the people.

There are two dangers. One is that socialists might get duped by a right-wing populist movement into thinking it’s a real mass uprising, and try to become part of it. Some of the more foolish segments of the American Left tried making common cause with the Tea Party in its early days, as the Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists originally welcomed the coup against Morsi.

Back home, in Auckland the populist anti-corruption protester Penny Bright has ended up in alliance with the extreme-right “Affordable Auckland” coalition in an attempt to make the current centre-left Mayor Len Brown resign. But the people behind “Affordable” are the powerful themselves – Pakeha employers and property-owners – while Bright’s supporters are a rag-tag group of people who’re angry about the current system. No prizes for guessing who would take the power, if they managed to make Mayor Brown give it up.

But the other danger is that right-wing populists might invade a real mass uprising and – through being better organised, or by brute force – might shift it to their agenda. A good foreign example of this is the fascist Svoboda and Right Sector parties, who entered the “Euromaidan” protests in Ukraine and put themselves at the head of it by violently and physically ejecting socialists and anarchists who were against the Yanukovych administration.

The Occupy movements were another great example of a populist project, with their rhetoric of the 99% against the 1%. Despite its clear anti-capitalist message to begin with, though, it wasn’t clear enough to put forward a political project. Without a clear political orientation, many occupations saw a growth in conspiracy theories – which deride the working majority as ‘sheeple,’ constructing pseudo-scientific explanations for the enlightened few, in contrast to politics of collective liberation.

In such a situation, socialists have to stay with the masses. If the movement continues to have real mass support, they have to stay in and fight the intellectual and political battle for the leadership with right-wing forces. But if the masses leave, there’s no point fighting over a corpse.

Whether revolutionary or counter-revolutionary, though, there is one good thing about all these mass protests. They thoroughly prove wrong the common saying that “protests can’t change anything”. The Australian state of Victoria – which has recently made it a crime to stay on a protest if a cop tells you to leave – knows this very well, as did the New York cops at Zucotti Park or the Chinese army at Tienanmen Square when they violently closed down protest occupations. Protests backed with the real power of an economic class which won’t be dictated to any more can change the world. In fact, they’re the only thing that ever has.

CHCH: Rally against racism + Fighting Racism meeting

rally against racism chch 2014

Rally Against Racism

The “White Pride World Wide” rally is happening again with Right Wing Resistance (http://rwrnz.blogspot.co.nz/) having it’s flag day celebrating bigotry and intimidation. They appear to be working with National Front (https://www.facebook.com/wpwwnznf) who are a well known Neo-Nazi/White Nationalist group.

Last year was excellent, and hopefully with more time we can make this counter demonstration larger and better.

12:30 Saturday 22nd March
Cnr New Brighton Mall & Marine Parade, Christchurch
[Facebook event]

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ChCh Fighting Racism in Aotearoa Meeting

‘Fighting Racism in Aotearoa’ meeting

Fightback presents a facilitated discussion on fighting racism throughout Aotearoa.
Regan Stokes (guest speaker) – E korara ana ngā kapua [The clouds are dispersing]
Wei Sun (Fightback) on migrant struggles & open borders.
Ben Peterson (Australian guest) on solidarity with refugees.

7pm, Sunday 23rd March
WEA, 59 Gloucester Street, Christchurch
[Facebook event]