The Internet Party: A progressive force?

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By Byron Clark, Fightback (Christchurch).

The Internet Party is going to fundamentally change this country’s political landscape, apparently. It’s unusual for a party that has not registered with the electoral commission, and who haven’t announced any concrete policy or candidates, to be viewed in such high regard by the media, yet we are seeing comments like “something fantastic is brewing for New Zealand and I for one am watching happily as it unfolds,” from Derek Handley in the National Business Review, the publication that for one reason or another has given the party the most coverage. “Kim Dotcom will unleash the force of innovation and the internet in the electoral and democratic process,” claims Handley, what exactly he means by that is unclear.

The vague policy points that Internet Party have so far around issues of surveillance and high speed internet are not exactly new and exciting. “The emergence of the Internet Party is somewhat frustrating for the Greens,” writes former Green MP and intelligence spokesperson Keith Locke on The Daily Blog, “given that pretty much all of the Internet Party’s policies (such as internet freedom, defending privacy and withdrawing from the Five Eyes) are already Green policy.”

Locke seems to agree the the new party will be significant though, stating that “the Internet Party and the Greens, together, will be able to push [these issues] more strongly in the election,” and that “the Internet Party helps legitimise Green policies,” implying the policies of parliament’s third largest party need to be legitimised by what could turn out to be nothing more than the latest plaything from the mind of an eccentric millionaire.

Maybe its not the policy that is exciting, but how that policy comes to be. For Vikram Kumar, the former CEO of Kim Dotcom’s Mega.co.nz service who resigned to become general secretary of the new party, “the process of making the Internet Party’s policies, in an inclusive and engaging manner, is as important as the policies themselves.” Presumably Kumar envisions an Internet based system for determining policy. Again this isn’t particularly new, democratic parties have always use some mechanism to create policy, there is nothing  fundamentally different if such a system uses the most up to date communication technology.

The German Pirate Party, with whom the Internet Party has been compared (though ‘Pirate’ is probably a word they are keen to avoid given Dotcom’s circumstances) who have several MPs use an online system called ‘Liquidfeedback’ to shape policy, but the system doesn’t yield anything  particularly profound. “The ridiculous truth about the Pirates,” German Green MP Volker Beck told an interviewer in 2012, “is that they take our proposals from parliament and put in in their Liquidfeedback to discuss… they are taking up our content and [proposing it] as their own”

Liquidfeedback does even less good when the Party is voting on issues of little concern to its membership, when members don’t bother using it. The magazine Der Spiegel  described it as “a grassroots democracy where no one is showing up to participate”.

“The Internet and technology are tools and ways of thinking,” writes Kumar. He is only half right. Somewhat confusingly he states that “Technologists know… that technical solutions to essentially political or business problems don’t work,” but also “it is up to us, whether by design or plodding along, to build a future for New Zealand we want. I believe the Internet Party can catalyse discussions about both the design itself as well as the need for a design in the first place. It’s not only what the State does but how.”

If by “design” he means reshaping the democratic process with a Liquidfeedback type system the future will likely be dead on arrival.

A left-wing option?

With policies most in common with The Green Party the Internet Party appears to be a left-wing option, the involvement of blogger Martin Bradbury, and former Scoop.co.nz editor Alistair Thompson lend credence to that idea. Kim Dotcom however is a capitalist by any definition. He is anti-establishment in that he represents a new media group of capitalists who are going up against states who have taken the side of the old media elite.

When manufacturing based industries began to decline in the USA and intellectual property based industry (such as film, music and software) became a substantial part of the American economy, laws were written to favour copyright holders and protect intellectual property. Among other changes, copyright terms were extended and copyright violation was turned into a criminal offence rather than a civil matter.

While New Zealand may seem a long way from the US, that didn’t stop Dotcom’s mansion being raided by armed police due to alleged copyright violation. Something that should seem ridiculous. In fact,  leaked US embassy cables from the trove released by Chelsea Manning show that a great deal of lobbying went into an effort for local intellectual property laws to reflect those of the USA.

The lobbying efforts for US-friendly copyright and intellectual property law continue through the negotiations of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPPA), with John Key’s trip to Hollywood, and intellectual property negotiators from the US Trade Representative’s Office visiting Wellington.

Dotcom can take a populist anti-TPPA position that is no way in conflict with his business interests, such as when he told Russia Today two days before the announcement of the Internet Party, “What Hollywood is trying to do is basically to turn the internet into a totally censored and controlled network to their liking, and that’s what I’m fighting against.”

He’s not alone of course, no doubt Amazon.com would like to see copyright reform that let them create thousands of new ebooks that could be sold cheap but profitably without paying royalties to the authors, and Google would love to stream every possible movie and TV show on Youtube (with their own advertising of course).

But while the founders of Google and the CEO of Amazon.com are among the 85 people who together own more wealth than half the planets population, Kim Dotcom is relatively small player, allowing him to keep his folk-hero status even at a time when the wealthy are increasingly disliked and distrusted.

Kumar wrote in his NBR piece that, “the things that New Zealanders typically care about when voting can all benefit significantly from the Internet and technology. This includes the economy, jobs, health, education, and inequalities.” He doesn’t elaborate on how ‘the internet’ or ‘technology’ will solve inequality, in fact he goes on to say that “technological innovation not only perpetuates but amplifies societal divides.”

If not left, then what?

Some have been quick to label the party as ‘libertarian’, a political philosophy advocating only minimal state intervention in the lives of citizens. Certainly the announced policies of the Internet Party would not be out of place in a Libertarian manifesto. Pure libertarianism with its talk of dismantling the welfare state and abolishing the minimum wage has never been popular in New Zealand for obvious reasons (as we go to press the electoral commission has just deregistered the Libertarianz Party, most likely meaning they now have less than 500 members).

The Internet Party is unlikely to veer to that extreme, and more than likely it will want public money to fund the broadband internet infrastructure required for the high-tech future they appear to envision, as well as expecting the state to pick up the tap for the education required to create ‘internet-economy’ IT professionals, in line with how things are done in actually-existing capitalism.

The question must be asked though, with all the talk of innovation and entrepreneurship; quickly moving on from the brief mention of inequality Kumar praises “technologists” Rob Fyfe of Air New Zealand and Sir Ralph Norris of ASB Bank. Kumar then asks readers to “consider the simple yet immensely powerful call from the late Professor Sir Paul Callaghan for New Zealand to be a country where talent wants to live.” How would Internet Party MP’s vote on issues such as raising the business and high income tax rates to fund social programmes? Or bringing about protections for casualised workers?

But will they get anywhere?

Despite the hype, there has been no obvious groundswell of support for the Internet Party. While the press release for the first Roy Morgan poll conducted since the party was announced noted their existence, they failed to make a showing in the actual poll. Perhaps when the party registers with the electoral commission, announces some candidates and policy and begins a campaign funded out of Kim Dotcom’s deep pockets they will improve their polling, but its hard to say for certain.

Much of the media optimism about the Internet Party has spoke of their potential to bring members of generation Y who didn’t vote in 2011 to the polls. This view is somewhat condescending – members of this generation have concerns greater than their internet speed, things like student debt, insecure work and the falling prospect of home ownership, just to name a few examples. While digital populism may motivate some young voters, the Internet Party does not represent the alternative needed to address these concerns.

While progressives may share some common ground with the Internet Party, there is no sign that it represents a progressive force.

Eating disorders: Capitalism and patriarchy’s fault

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Trigger warning: discussion of eating disorders, suicide, mental illness.

By Wei Sun (Fightback, Christchurch)

Eating disorders are mental illnesses that occur across all genders, cultural backgrounds, and ages. According to the Eating Disorders Association of NZ, eating disorders have the highest death rate of all mental illnesses. Statistically, 1.7% of all New Zealanders – approximately 68,000 people – will have an eating disorder at some point in their lifetime. A mental health survey conducted by the Ministry of Health in 2006 showed that anorexia has a much higher death rate than other eating disorders such as bulimia. One in 100 with anorexia who have sought treatment die each year, and up to 20% die over a 20 year period either as a result of complications from the illness or from suicide. Only 60% fully recover in the end.

Clearly, the extremely high death rate and low recovery rate of eating disorders is very alarming. Studies among the fully recovered population say that serious long term effects can be caused by anorexia even though these people are said to be “fully recovered”. Apart from physical damage, there are also many negative effects on their mental health such as mood swings, anxiety and depression.

So where does this mental illness come from? And why are people becoming more and more obsessed with thinness? Since the 1960s, the cult of thinness started growing in America. Especially among young women, thinness was not just a physical ideal but also a moral judgment—thinness represented a form of virtue, for example, self-control, moderation and restraint. The culture viewed obesity as a mark of ugliness and greed. Reflecting the dominance of American culture, this idea spread around the globe.

The fashion, pharmaceutical and food industries made multimillion-dollar profits from advertising and selling their weight loss products. Even the bookstores started having big sections of weight loss methods, weight loss recipes and so on. In the late 20th century, these diet books had millions in print; today, there are countless more.

As thinness started representing health as well as beauty, magazine publishers created the “slim and flawless” cover girls to further promote this new “physical perfection”. Large scale markets were exploiting women’s insecurities about their looks for the sake of profit.

Females represent approximately 90 percent and males 10 percent of all eating disorders. Why are women especially vulnerable to eating disorders? We are influenced by patriarchal institutions. Patriarchy refers to a system of society in which men hold the power and women are largely excluded from it.

One major manifestation of patriarchy is the primary image of women as objects of decorative worth – good housewives and mothers who ‘belong in the kitchen’. From the conventional family, schools and the media, girls learn from a very young age that the rewards of our society go to those who conform, not simply on the level of overt behaviour, but on the level of biology—if you want to be valued, get thin.

Capitalism motivated producers to create new needs and exploit new markets. The beauty industry not only viewed women’s bodies as controllable and profitable objects but also promoted insecurity by encouraging women to buy beauty products, which represented a woman’s femininity and ability to hold on to her man. Those new markets clearly demonstrate women’s emerging roles as both consumer and commodity during the rise of capitalism.

At the same time, food industries, especially the American junk food industries, put their prices as low as possible to get people to buy junk food. Obesity specialist Dr Thomas Wadden complains that for every dollar spent on anti-obesity research, the junk food industries spend one hundred dollars to get people to keep buying their food.

“We’re being fattened up by the food industry and slimmed down by the twelve-billion-dollar diet and exercise industry. That’s great for the capitalist system, but it’s not so great for the consumer,” Wadden says.

As people started realising the problems of the cult of thinness, variety of self-help and recovery markets flooded the marketplace. However, this meant that the reality of oppression was replaced with the metaphor of addiction. The market thus both created a problem and then posited itself as the solution to that problem.

I am a sufferer of anorexia and bulimia. I started being concerned about my weight when I was 11 years old in China, when half of my female classmates started passing around fashion magazines and talking about losing weight.

At that time, I was 149cm, weighing 36kg, which was on the low end of ‘normal weight’. However, I decided that I was fat and started working on losing weight, because some other girls around me called themselves “fat” and were constantly dieting, even though they were about my size or even slightly smaller.

The media coverage of eating disorders portrayed the image of the sickly anorexic as glamorous and feminine. For many years, I had been hearing things like “if you get fat, you will never get a boyfriend or a job” from my female classmates, friends, and workmates. As I became older, I started wondering why eating disorders only appear among females in general, and began questioning the relations between eating disorders and gender.

I am 21 years old now and still struggle with eating disorders. I have been to the point where I had to be admitted to the hospital due to anorexia and bulimia. But now I have realized that there are relationships between women’s rigid control of their bodies and their lack of power in other areas of life. The concept of feminine identity within patriarchy is fundamentally problematic. I also do not wish to continue being a passive consumer under capitalism.

Commonly offered solutions to eating disorders are personal ones—“get treatment!”, rather than a wider systemic approach— “smash patriarchy!” The feminist Carol Hanisch wrote in her 1968 essay The Personal Is Political: “There are no personal solutions at this time. There is only collective action for a collective solution.” Individualist solutions fail to examine wider issues such as lack of education and a patriarchal system that produces and reproduces gender inequality.

It may yet be possible to dismantle the cult of thinness through social activism. To achieve the purpose of raising public awareness, one very important method in social activism is public education. A critical examination of various features of capitalism and patriarchy, combined with material changes to the structures that enable them, could help to diminish the strictures that define women primarily in terms of our bodies. The rate of eating disorders worldwide would fall when a woman’s body no longer serves as a cage.

Deep sea drilling: The spirit of Mururoa?

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By Bronwen Beechey, Fightback (Auckland).

In June 1973, the NZ Labour government sent two Navy frigates to the Pacific atoll of Mururoa to formally protest against France’s testing of nuclear weapons in the atmosphere. The Spirit of Peace, the Fri and the Vega, also sailed to Mururoa to observe the tests. Photographs of French sailors boarding the Vega and assaulting its skipper were published around the word. In November of that year, France announced that it would conduct all further nuclear testing underground.

Forty years after that partial victory, the Vega sailed to an area 185km from Raglan to protest at deep sea oil drilling in NZ waters. The US oil giant Anadarko had been granted a permit for exploratory drilling in waters up to 1600 metres deep, with an untested drilling ship. The Vega was part of the Oil Free Seas flotilla, which was also protesting the “Anadarko amendment” rushed through parliament last May, which prohibits protesting at sea within 500 metres of an oil rig or drill ship illegal. While five of the six vessels of the Oil Free Seas flotilla stayed outside the 500-metre limit, the Vega remained on the drilling site for seven days. No action to move the Vega was taken.

In support of the flotilla, thousands gathered at West Coast beaches with banners expressing opposition to deep sea drilling. In a November poll run by the NZ Herald, a paper with a generally conservative readership, 2803 opposed deep sea drilling compared to 1305 in favour. In a TVNZ online poll conducted in response to the Oil Free Seas protest, 80% supported the flotilla’s actions. But in contrast with the protests at Mururoa, the Oil Free Seas flotilla did not have the support of the Labour Party. Leader David Cunliffe declared that Labour was “not opposed in principle” to offshore oil drilling.

The Oil Free Seas protest flotilla left the drilling area on November 26, at the same time as Greenpeace filed papers at the High Court requesting a judicial review of Anadarko’s permit to drill, on the grounds that the company had not released its Emergency Response Plan, or spill modelling showing the possible impact of an oil spill, to NZ’s Environmental Protection Authority. Anadarko only provided a summary version of its discharge management plan and contingency plans to the EPA.

The High Court challenge was dismissed on the basis that under the recent Exclusive Economic Zone and Continental Shelf Act, the Environmental Protection Authority is responsible for assessing the environmental impacts of drilling before issuing a marine consent. But the environmental assessment excludes consideration of detailed plans for responding to an oil spill – that responsibility rests with Maritime NZ.  Justice Alan Mackenzie found the EPA had applied the new law correctly, as its role was “limited to assessing whether the application contains information about the required matters”, and its decision was “essentially administrative”.

Shortly before Christmas, 1800 pages of documents supporting Anadarko’s drilling applications were released under the Official Information Act in response to a request lodged in November by Greenpeace. Among them was Anadarko’s contingency plan in the event of an uncontrollable spill. In this “worst case scenario” where a blowout could not be contained and the drillship would have to be evacuated, it would take at least 35 days to cap the well, as equipment for a capping stack would have to be sourced from Peterhead, Scotland (a service centre for the North Sea oil fields), flown to Singapore for assembly, and then shipped to New Zealand. In the meantime, oil would be spilling into the Tasman Sea at the rate of 12,000 barrels a day. (In a spill model released by Greenpeace last year, the estimate was 10,000 barrels a day. That model was described by Prime Minister John Key as “scaremongering” and by Petroleum Exploration and Production Association CEO David Robinson as “science fiction”.) The contingency plan was approved by Maritime NZ.

The oil spill from the cargo ship Rena, which ran aground in the Bay of Plenty in 2011, was the equivalent of 2500 barrels. An inquiry following that disaster, which caused widespread death of wildlife and seriously affected the fishing and tourist industries in the area, found that Maritime NZ’s response was inadequate, largely due to lack of funding, lack of skills and experience and lack of suitable equipment.

Government and industry spokespeople have been quick to claim that a spill of the magnitude projected in the documents would be extremely unlikely. But we have seen the results of the 2010 Deepwater Horizon disaster in which vast quantities of oil poured into the Gulf of Mexico for 87 days before the spill was capped. (Anadarko, as a quarter share investor in the well, was found jointly liable and recently agreed to pay BP $5.5 billion as part of the legal settlement). The Deepwater Horizon was drilling in 1500 metres of water, shallower than the proposed drilling site off NZ. The catastrophic effects of the Gulf of Mexico oil spill are still taking their toll on wildlife and residents in the area.

But this can be prevented. Opposition to offshore drilling led by Greenpeace and Maori chased Petrobas from NZ waters in 2012. And the campaign against deep sea oil drilling is set to continue. The National government has granted five more exploration permits to Anadarko and other big oil companies, including Shell, to drill for oil and natural gas off Northland, Taranaki, Canterbury and Otago. And, under draft regulations to accompany the EEZ Act, deep-sea drilling will become a “non-notified activity” – meaning that oil companies will be able to undertake deep-sea drilling without notifying the public that it intends to do so or giving the public a chance to scrutinise its plans. If this is adopted, it will have obvious implications for other dangerous activities such as fracking, and for proposed projects such as plans by Canadian company TAG to drill near Mt Taranaki, a site of great significance to Maori.

Already opposition is gearing up. On January 10, opponents to the TAG project held a noisy protest outside the company’s New Plymouth offices. A hikoi to Waitangi opposing drilling in Te Reinga Basin is planned for February. An Oil Free Summit held in Dunedin on the weekend of 11-12 January established a “rapid response team” of 260 vessels prepared to take to the waters around Otago to hinder Anadarko’s operations.
In the 1970s and 1980s, peace squadrons like this took to the waters to protest against visiting US nuclear warships. They inspired actions on-shore – including political campaigns for local councils to declare themselves nuclear-free, and industrial action by workers. When the USS Truxton sailed into Wellington harbour, seafarers on the Interislander ferries went on strike and wharfies walked off the job to join huge anti-nuclear protests. Even the cleaners at the US Embassy went on strike.

A similar mass movement to oppose investment in fossil fuels, call for investments in alternative fuel sources, and defend our democratic rights to protest and to be informed of proposed development, will be needed to counter the government’s drive for profit at the expense of safety and the environment.

Catholic Church: Is Francis a “Red Pope”?

Daphne Lawless, Fightback.

Less than one year into his tenure as head of the Roman Catholic Church and thus spiritual authority over 1.2 billion people, Pope Francis I (Jorge Bergoglio) has been shaking up a lot of leftist and liberal assumptions about Catholicism being a bastion of unforgiving reactionary politics and child abuse.

Deacon Eric Stolz lists just a few of the way the new Pope has set an example of humility:

Pope Francis has refused to wear the ermine-lined capes other popes wore. Rather than blessing the people in St. Peter’s Square on his election, he asked the people to bless him. He refuses to ride in a bulletproof Mercedes limousine. He rode on a bus with other cardinals right after his election.

Perhaps most notably, Francis has explicitly criticised the free-market agenda of neoliberal capitalism. In his document Evangelii Gaudium (The Joy of the Gospel), the Pope argues that:

some people continue to defend trickle-down theories which assume that economic growth, encouraged by a free market, will inevitably succeed in bringing about greater justice and inclusiveness in the world. This opinion, which has never been confirmed by the facts, expresses a crude and naïve trust in the goodness of those wielding economic power and in the sacralized workings of the prevailing economic system. Meanwhile, the excluded are still waiting.

This quite timid reformist critique of capitalism has American conservative commentators screaming that the Pope has become a “Marxist”, while conservative Catholics argue that the Pope must have been “misquoted” or “misinterpreted”.

Bureaucratic reform

Perhaps more concretely, Francis seems to have an agenda for reform of the Vatican bureaucracy. The Pope has revamped the powerful congregation for bishops, removing the likes of the conservative US cardinal Raymond Burke – an outspoken opponent of abortion and gay marriage. He has also dismissed all but one of the cardinals in charge of the Vatican Bank.

The infamous secrecy of the Vatican gives rise to conspiracy theories. John Paul I, who was Pope for 33 days before his sudden death in 1978, is sometimes said to have been murdered by the Mafia for seeking to reform the Vatican Bank. Hence, ideas that Pope Francis should “employ a food taster” lest he meet a similar fate.

Catherine Pepinster, editor of the Birtish Catholic weekly the Tablet, was quoted in The Guardian: “Many Catholics in recent years have experienced a certain amount of hostility from certain quarters for being Catholic and now that’s really changed and you don’t sense that so much.” She cites Internet comments on photos of the Pope embracing a man disfigured with tumours, which included such things as ‘The pope rocks’; or ‘I’m an atheist but this man could persuade me to believe in God.’

But sometimes the Pope’s new liberal fans don’t know what to make of the fact that he retains an orthodox opinion on women priests and homosexuality – for example, his excommunication of Greg Reynolds, an Australian priest who had pushed for a change in doctrine on these issues.

Feudal monarchy

Some people have an incorrect idea of how the Catholic Church operates. It’s not an absolute monarchy, where what the Pope says goes on all issues. It’s more like a feudal monarchy, where a reformist pope must overcome resistance and even outright rebellion from the bishops and the Vatican bureaucracy. For example, liberal bishops in Britain and the US fought tooth and nail (albeit behind the scenes) against Benedict’s attempt to restore the Latin Mass.

Added to this is the Catholic definition of “orthodoxy”. It is simply impossible for any Pope to simply change Church doctrine. Orthodoxy is defined as “that which has historically been believed everywhere by everybody”. What this means is that – even when speaking “infallibly” on doctrine – no Pope can change the essential nature of Church teachings, only adapt it to new questions.

Even if, for some bizarre reason, a Pope were to be elected who was sympathetic to gay marriage, women priests and reproductive rights, he would simply not be allowed to reverse Church teachings on those subjects. That is, not without a solid majority of supporters among the bishops and bureaucrats, and absolutely convincing written argument that this was not a departure from the Church’s eternal teachings.

Compared with Benedict

There is a simplistic view among leftists and liberals of Francis as a “Good Pope” worthy of support, as opposed to the contempt in which his predecessor, Benedict XVI (Joseph Ratzinger), is usually held. But the differences between the two men – who, let’s remember, both embody the interests of the highest levels of Church leadership – are often exaggerated.

Benedict was decidedly favourable to the “Traditionalist” sector of Catholicism – those attached to Church tradition from before the Vatican II reforms of the 1960s – generally associated with homophobic, sexist and anti-Semitic attitudes. However, it has also recently been revealed that, in his last two years as reigning Pope, Benedict defrocked (dismissed) more than 400 priests accused of sexual abuse of children. This complicates the simple equation of Catholic tradition with child rape.

Detractors of Benedict often fixated upon his teenage service in the Hitler Youth – not that children in the last years of Nazi Germany had any say in the matter. But the more that Francis talks anti-capitalism and the need for a humbler, simpler lifestyle for clergy, the more that liberals are prepared to look the other way on his accomodation – as an adult priest – with the Argentinian military dictatorship of 1976-83.

Both men also shared an attitude to “liberation theology”. This was a radical movement within Catholicism in the 1950s and 1960s, led by priests from Latin America who interpreted Christianity as meaning support for the struggles of workers and oppressed people.

Benedict, as Cardinal Ratzinger, was leader of the Congregation for the Defence of the Faith (the successor organisation to the Inquisition). As such, he led efforts in the 1980s to declare liberation theology a heresy, a form of “Christianised Marxism”. It is argued that this project had the support of US foreign policy. But it also had the support of Francis (then Archbishop Bergoglio) as the head of the Bishops’ Conference in Latin America.

The difference is a difference of emphasis. Benedict, a former “attack dog” for Catholic orthodoxy, was mostly interested in safeguarding the integrity of Church doctrine and tradition, and lacked the kind of media skills required to make himself likeable in the capitalist media. Francis, on the other hand, worked among the poor in Buenos Aires for decades, and is said to be quite indifferent to doctrinal details, while having a strong grasp of the primacy of the Church’s social mission.

Catholic social teaching

So certainly Francis is no Red. But some may be surprised to learn that, in criticising unbridled capitalism, Francis has not been acting against Catholic doctrine, but in full agreement with it.

The Catholic Church has been officially against the total dominance of capital over labour since 1891. That is the year that Pope Leo XIII issued the encyclical letter Rerum Novarum (Concerning New Things). Among other statements of Church social policy, this letter emphasised the right of all workers to a living wage and the right to bargain with employers on the basis of equality. It also promoted a welfare state, using phrases like:

the public administration must duly and solicitously provide for the welfare and the comfort of the working classes; otherwise, that law of justice will be violated which ordains that each man shall have his due… wage-earners, since they mostly belong in the mass of the needy, should be specially cared for and protected by the government.

As an institution with origins in feudal times, and with an ideology based on charity, the Catholic Church has always had a horror of both class conflict, and the tendency of capitalism to overthrow traditional ways of life. It is not so much evidence that Pope Francis is a “leftist” that his comments about “unbridled capitalism” have caused consternation among American conservatives and traditional Catholics – it’s more a sign of how far the neoliberal agenda of class warfare from above has become the common sense of the Right. Francis’ comments would have been unremarkable from conservative politicians of the 1950s.

Religion and contradiction

It’s vital to remember that all mass organisations – including the Catholic Church – are contradictory entities. Like all religion, it embraces positive and negative features. It seeks to promote social justice and peace between opposing classes, at the same time as reinforcing “traditional” sexist and heteronormative family arrangements and an authoritarian social order. So those who declare that all religion is negative and evil are adopting an approach which will isolate them from those they hope to convince. The job of activists is to emphasise these contradictions, and to explain why a belief in social justice contradicts – for example – a woman’s right to control her own fertility.

Given that – according to some surveys – 95% of Catholics do not follow Church doctrine against the use of artifical contraception, it’s clear that the Pope is not the spiritual dictator which some atheist (or Protestant) writers have made him out to be. There are strong limits to how much his personal example or statements may change the minds of conservative members of his flock.

But what the Pope’s comments on capitalism, and his steps to bring in a simpler lifestyle for Church leaders, offer to working people and socialists is an opening of the debate. He’s not the first religious leader to do so – the Dalai Lama has accepted the label “Marxist” in the past. But Francis has greater influence in the United States and western Europe, the heartland of global capitalism. He has opened up more space in the “official” media for concepts critical of neoliberal capitalism. He might not be a Red, but by following the dictates of his Catholic conscience, he may be helping those of us who are.

See also

Inequality will be the issue for 2014

inequality-greedMike Treen, Unite General Secretary. Reprinted from the Daily Blog.

In a speech to the Center for American Progress on December 4, 2013, Obama recognised the fact that “the American people’s frustrations with Washington are at an all-time high.” These frustrations are “rooted in the nagging sense that no matter how hard they work, the deck is stacked against them” and that there exists “a dangerous and growing inequality and lack of upward mobility that has jeopardized middle-class America’s basic bargain — that if you work hard, you have a chance to get ahead.”

Obama appeared to have no element of self-awareness when delivering the speech, that the very economic policies he has implemented since coming to office may have contributed to the harsh reality he describes.

Obama became US president in January 2009. A report in September 2013 revealed that 95 percent of America’s income gains over the four years since then have gone to the nation’s most affluent 1 percent. They also now accrue 20 percent of the nation’s total pretax income, doubling their 10 percent share from the 1970s. A few weeks after his speech, 1.3m jobless were cut from receiving benefits under a “compromise” two-year budget deal that was passed just before Congress left on its winter recess.

As liberal economist Dean Baker has noted, “Inequality did not just happen, it was deliberately engineered through a whole range of policies intended to redistribute income upwards.”

The Pope’s message was even more radical than Obama’s blustering. Pope Francis released his Evangelii Gadium, or Joy of the Gospel, attacking capitalism as a form of tyranny and calling on church and political leaders to address the needs of the poor. He attacked an “idolatry of money” that would lead to a “new tyranny”.

“Such an economy kills. How can it be that it is not a news item when an elderly homeless person dies of exposure, but it is news when the stock market loses two points? This is a case of exclusion. Can we continue to stand by when food is thrown away while people are starving? This is a case of inequality. Today everything comes under the laws of competition and the survival of the fittest, where the powerful feed upon the powerless. As a consequence, masses of people find themselves excluded and marginalized: without work, without possibilities, without any means of escape.”

“As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation, and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems,” he wrote.

Even the Dalai Lama has joined in. In a speech one month ago in India, he said “We have to think seriously how to reduce this gap between the rich and the poor.”

He went so far as to describe himself as a Marxist. “As far as socio-economic theory is concerned I am a Marxist. I am attracted to the principle of equal distribution. The poor and helpless need more care. While capitalism is only about minting money,” he said.

The process of wealth concentration has been going on for the last three decades but has accelerated since the world financial crisis. That crisis was in part a product of the grotesque excesses of the super rich and the speculative, indulgent frenzy as they searched for more and more ways to earn profits.

The largest Wall Street firms set aside $91 billion for year-end bonuses in 2013. In effect, these gangster banksters in the US are the biggest welfare recipients of all time. Because the Federal Reserve has been maintaining interest rates at very low levels for such a long period, the US government is in effect subsidising bank profits to the tune of $83 billion a year.

While wages have been squeezed and austerity budgets imposed all across the globe, the wealth of the world’s billionaires has doubled since 2009 according to a report by UBS and Wealth-X, that tracks super-rich individuals.

As CNBC reported, “The global financial crisis was good for billionaires. The combined fortune of the world’s billionaires has more than doubled, to $6.5 trillion, from $3.1 trillion in 2009, according to Wealth-X and UBS Global Billionaire Census 2013. Their fortunes have grown by $226 billion in the past year alone. The group’s number also grew by 810 during the period, to 2,170.”

An annual report by financial advisors Capgemini and RBC Wealth Management records the wealth of high net worth individuals(HNWI) with $1 million or more in investable assets and ultra-HNWI’s with $30 million or more in investable assets. The super-rich, representing just 0.13% of the world’s population own 25% of all financial assets (stocks, bonds and cash in banks). A website called “Luxury Society” notes that the global HNWI population of 12 million increased its investable wealth by 10% to $46.2 trillion. But within that group, “

Representing less than 1% of the global HNWI population, the world’s 111,000 ultra-HNWIs control more than one-third (35.2%) of HNWI wealth.” (The full report is available here for those with the stomach for it).

Credit Suisse also produce an annual wealth report and this year they had a great chart to go with it. The chart shows that there are 3.2 billion adults in the world with less than $10,000 in net wealth. They collectively own total net wealth of $7.3 trillion or 3% of total world wealth. At the top we have a group of 32 million or 0.7% of the total with 41% of the world’s wealth – more than the bottom 91% of all adults.

suisse

Reuters reports, “Average global wealth has hit a peak of $51,600 per adult but this is spread very unevenly, with the richest 10 percent owning 86 percent of the wealth, analysts at the Credit Suisse Research Institute said. The top 1 percent alone own 46 percent of all global assets.”

Tax-receipt data collected by Messrs. Piketty and Saez show the top 1% captured 19.3% of U.S. income in 2012. The only year in the past century when their share was bigger was 1928, at 19.6%. The top 10% took more than half of total income – an all time record since 1913 when the US government began taxing income.

Even the Congressional Budget Office has confirmed the trends for the USA. It finds that between 1979 and 2007, income grew by:

275 percent for the top 1 percent of households,
65 percent for the next 19 percent,
just under 40 percent for the next 60 percent, and
18 percent for the bottom 20 percent.

Other results were:

The share of after-tax household income for the top 1 percent of the population more than doubled, climbing to 17 percent in 2007 from nearly 8 percent in 1979.
The top fifth of the population saw a 10-percentage-point increase in their share of after-tax income. Most of that growth went to the top 1 percent of the population.
All other groups saw their shares decline by 2 to 3 percentage points.

The increase in incomes has also led to a huge increase in accumulated wealth. A 2006 report by the United Nations University found that “the richest 1% of adults alone owned 40% of global assets in the year 2000, and that the richest 10% of adults accounted for 85% of the world total. In contrast, the bottom half of the world adult population owned barely 1% of global wealth.”

Michael Roberts Blog on the “The Story of Inequality” reports on an very interesting speech by Sir Anthony Atkinson, a senior research fellow at Oxford University and one of the world’s experts on inequality. Roberts said that Atkinson had noted there had been an average rise in inequality of about 10% in OECD countries since the 1980s. But importantly “Atkinson then asked the question: why? What were the causes of the rise in household inequality of income in the advanced capitalist economies after the 1980s?

The usual reason given by mainstream economics is that new technology and globalisation led to a rise in the demand for skilled workers over unskilled and so drove up their earnings relatively. This is the argument presented by Greg Mankiw recently in his defence of the top 1% of earners.

Roberts explains that “Atkinson dismissed this neoclassical apologia. The biggest rises in inequality took place before globalisation and the dot.com revolution got underway in the 1990s. Atkinson pinned down the causes to two. The first was the sharp fall in direct income tax for the top earners under neoliberal government policies from the 1980s onwards and the sharp rise in capital income (i.e. income generated from the ownership of capital rather than from the sale of labour power). The rising profit share in capitalist sector production that most OECD economies have generated since the 1980s was translated into higher dividends, interest and rent for the top 1-5% who generally own the means of production. In 2011, capital income constituted 60% of the top 10% earners’ income compared to just 32% in the 1980s.”

Nobel Prize winning economist Paul Krugman points out that since 1973 in the US, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per household has increased 46 percent in real terms but median income per household has only increased 15 percent. Where did the other 31 percent go? It went to the wealthy.

Corporate profits are also setting new records. In the third quarter of 2013, profits after taxes accounted for more than 11 percent of US gross domestic product (the sum of all goods and services). That’s the highest such percentage of GDP ever recorded. For workers, income from wages and salaries has shrunk from more than 50 percent of the GDP pie in 1970 to 42.6 percent in 2012 – the smallest piece ever measured. At the same time, fewer Americans are working than at any time in the past three decades.

One estimate I saw reckoned that if labour income share had remained the same in the USA, wages would on average be 25% higher, or $13,000 a year.

As Warren Buffett, the second richest man in America, famously said, “There’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.”

This story has a very familiar ring to us in New Zealand as well. Something I will be looking at a more closely in my next blog.

Even the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Organisation for Economic Development (OECD) have got in on the act. It is extraordinary to have these institutions express their concerns at growing inequality when they have operated as the policemen for international capitalism – enforcing the neoliberal “Washington Consensus” – that has contributed so much to creating the inequality in the first place.

An IMF report in September 2012 called Income Inequality and Fiscal Policy confirmed widening inequality. The GINI coefficient (a measure of inequality of income between the top and bottom income earners) in the US jumped from 30.5% in 1980 to 38.6% in 2010, the largest rise in the whole world with the exception of one country, China, where it has risen from a relatively low 28% to a very high 42% during ‘the move towards the market’ in China over the last 30 years.

New Zealand had one of the largest increases going from 27 in 1980 to 34 in 1995 before dropping back slightly to 33 in 2008 – the latest figure available. Only the UK (27 to 34.4) and the USA (30.1 to 36.3) had similar sharp increases over the 1980 to 1995 period. The most equal society in the advanced capitalist world is Norway (24%), which is also the richest. All the Scandinavian ratios are relatively low while Germany and France are in the middle (low 30%).

Branko Milanovic, Lead Economist at the World Bank’s Research Department, has updated his 2005 study Worlds Apart which found that the world was “20:80” – that is, 80% of the world’s then-6.6 billion people could be classed as poor and the situation was deteriorating. His new report confirms the situation has worsened. He concludes: “Take the whole income of the world and divide it into two halves: the richest 8% will take one-half and the other 92% of the population will take another half. So, it is a 92-8 world. In the US, the numbers are 78 and 22. Or using Germany, the numbers are 71 and 29.” (Global Income Inequality By The Numbers: In History And Now – An Overview)

The OECD report is headed Divided We Stand: Why Inequality Keeps Rising. Its introductory paragraph states: “The gap between rich and poor has widened in most OECD countries over the past 30 years. This occurred when countries were going through a sustained period of economic growth, before the Great Recession. What will happen now that 200 million people are out of work worldwide and prospects of growth are weak? New OECD analysis says that the trend to greater inequality is not inevitable: governments can and should act.” (Full report available here).

The reason for all this sudden concern for the growth in inequality is political. The capitalist rulers are concerned that the inequality debate will focus attention on their monopolisation of wealth and power and we may seek ways to curtail it or, even better, end it for good.

The January 5 Christian Science Monitor headed a feature article on the issue: “Income inequality: Does wider gap between rich and poor threaten capitalism?” They quote Bill Gross, one of the largest bond managers in the US, saying that the inequality in the USA “can’t go on like this, either from the standpoint of the health of the capitalist system itself or the health of individuals and the family.”

The Wall Street Journal had an article on November 10 headlined, “Worry Over Inequality Occupies Wall Street – Gulf Between Haves and Have-Nots May Hurt Economy.” The chart that accompanied the article shows that the average income of the bottom 90% of families actually fell by 10% from 2002-2012 while all the top income groups grew. The top 0.01% saw their incomes grow 76.2 percent to an average of over $21 million in the same period. And those figures are adjusted for inflation and exclude capital gains.

graph-on-inequality

Journalist Justin Lahart commented: “Even if they have found the widening gulf between America’s haves and have-nots troubling, inequality isn’t something fund managers have worried about professionally. That may be changing.

“Over the years, the only way inequality has really mattered to investors has been as a factor when considering stocks. If the rich are getting richer, companies that cater to them have better prospects…

“Lately, though, some big investors have worried increasing income and wealth gaps threaten the economy’s ability to expand. They also fret that public anger over it, which Democrat Bill de Blasio tapped in his successful run for New York City mayor, is creating dangerous political tensions.”

Here we get to the real reason the issue of inequality has become in Obama’s words “the defining challenge of our time.”

Big Business fears the issue will be captured by left wing forces independent of them and the parties they control. By giving vent to some of the dissatisfaction through the Democratic Party they hope to keep it contained within acceptable boundaries. Opinion polls are showing a growing desire for a third party alternative in US politics.

In Lorain County, Ohio, 24 councillors were elected in November on a union-backed Independent Labor Party slate against the local Democratic Party machine. The last straw was when the Mayor scabbed on a strike. At this stage, the union campaign is still aimed at putting pressure on the Democratic Party rather than forming a truly “independent” labour party. But the strong vote is a signal of what is possible if a revitalised labour movement were to break from the shackles that have tied it to the Democratic Party for decades–with nothing to show for their loyalty.

Kshama Sawant, a very public socialist, was also recently elected, to the Seattle City Council. She had broad union and working class support. Her campaign themes targeted inequality and the need for the labour movement to break with the twin parties of big business in the USA. Her inauguration speech summarised these themes as follows:

“This city has made glittering fortunes for the super wealthy and for the major corporations that dominate Seattle’s landscape. At the same time, the lives of working people, the unemployed and the poor grow more difficult by the day. The cost of housing skyrockets, and education and healthcare become inaccessible.

“This is not unique to Seattle. Shamefully, in this, the richest country in human history, 50 million of our people – one in six – live in poverty. Around the world, billions do not have access to clean water and basic sanitation and children die every day from malnutrition.

“This is the reality of international capitalism. This is the product of the gigantic casino of speculation created by the highway robbers on Wall Street. In this system the market is God, and everything is sacrificed on the altar of profit. Capitalism has failed the 99%.

“Despite recent talk of economic growth, it has only been a recovery for the richest 1%, while the rest of us are falling ever farther behind.

“In our country, Democratic and Republican party politicians alike primarily serve the interests of big business. A completely dysfunctional Congress does manage to agree on one thing – regular increases in their already bloated salaries – yet at the same time allows the federal minimum wage to stagnate and fall farther and farther behind inflation. We have the obscene spectacle of the average corporate CEO getting $7000 an hour, while the lowest-paid workers are called presumptuous in their demand for just $15.

“To begin to change all of this, we need organised mass movements of workers and young people, relying on their own independent strength. That is how we won unions, civil rights and LGBTQ rights.”

A major feature of Sawant’s campaign was in solidarity with the struggle of fast food workers and others to increase their pay and win union rights. A referendum in the city of SeaTac just south of Seattle at the same time as the election approved a raise in the minimum wage to $15 an hour for hospitality and transportation workers in and near Seattle-Tacoma International Airport. The current minimum wage in Washington State is $9.19.

A December 11 Bloomberg poll found that “64 percent of Americans no longer believe the country offers everyone an equal chance to succeed, compared with 33 percent who do…. And for those making $50,000 or less, 73 percent see the economy stacked against them.”

Another recent poll found that 64% of Americans believe Federal government policies favour the well off. Fifty seven percent thought the government should pursue policies to reduce that gap.

US lawmakers are following the opposite course. In addition to cutting income support for long-term unemployed, budget cuts kicked into effect November 1 that lowered the nation’s average federal food stamp benefit to less than $1.40 per person per meal. Today, there are a record 48 million Americans dependent on food stamps, 22 million of whom are children.

We need a new social and political movement that tackles inequality. But such a movement has to understand that capitalism and inequality are two sides of the same coin. There can be no lasting attack on inequality without also attacking its source.